OBJECTIVE
To foster peace and harmony among various ethnic and religious groups through my academic, pastoral and administrative strengths, experiences and abilities to create a better future for the citizens of the world
Academic background
Doctor of Divinity(Hon DD)- Sociology of Religion with Theological implications and repercussions
17 May 2022
St Andrew's Theological University - India
Ethnographic research with a thesis on "Creation & Recreation of Identities"
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)-(Theology & Sociology of Religion) 2005, University of Kent, UK
Followed & completed the “Foundation Course for Part Time Youth and Community Workers” in Kent county Council. UK – 2002
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)-(Sociology with theological implications) 2001, University of Ruhuna, Sri Lanka
Bachelor of Divinity (BD) 1993, University of Serampore, India. (Theology Postgraduate study of three years)
Bachelor of Theology(BTh) 1989, University of Serampore, India
College Diploma (1985-1989) – Theological Education and Formation - Theological College of Lanka, Pilimatalawa, Sri Lanka
The Engineering Council , London. UK. Part I examination – May 1984 – Credited with passes in following subjects
(201) - Mathematics (203) - Properties of Materials - (208) - Thermodynamics
ඉහලින් තල් ගසින් පෝෂණය උන
පහලින් පොල් ගස කප් රුකක් උන
මැද කඳුකරේ තේ වලින් සශ්රීක උන
මේ දිවයිනේ කොස් ගස බත් ගසක් උන
[ A free English translation :-
Fed by palm trees above
Below coconut trees are a treasure
Fertile tea in the central hills
The jackfruit is a rice tree in this island]
Ecclesiastical Experiences
Archdeacon of Nuwara Eliya - Diocese of Colombo
2016 - 2018
i. Vicar – St. Francis of Assisi, Mt. Lavinia
2015 – 2017
ii. Chair – Interfaith Desk of the Diocese of Colombo
2010 -2015
iii. Chaplain – St. John’s Home, Moratuwa, Sri Lanka ( A girl’s home and a children’s centre managed by the Sisters of St. Margaret (SSM) )
2011 – 2015
iv. Area Dean - Moratuwa and environs
2012 – 2015
v. Incumbent - Holy Emmanuel Church, Moratuwa with St. Paul’s ChurchMoratumulla, St. Michael and All Angel’s Church, Willorawatte, Church of the Healing Christ, Kadalana, and Anglican Church at Uyana.
2011 -2015
( < www.holyemmanuelchurch.com=""> )
vi. Examining Chaplain – Diocese of Colombo – to date
vii. Member – “ Priests” clergy choir of the Diocese of Colombo - Through this choir of 6 clergypersons we have been promoting Gospel values. My interest in music and singing has promoted discipleship among various people – to date
viii. Pastoral experience in the parish of Christ Church, Mutwal ( former Cathedral of the Diocese of Colombo) and missions
2010 March to 2011 Jan
ix. Have experience of pastoral ministry in the following parishes/institutions in Sri Lanka
1. Ratmeewala 2. Wattegama 3.Gampola 4.Gatamge 5. Peradeniya training colony Chapel 6. University of Peradeniya Chapel
1996 Jan – 2010 March
x. Sri Lankan representative of the NIFCON (Network for Inter Faith Concerns)
2006 to date
xi. Licence to officiate in the Diocese of Kurunagala, Sri Lanka
1996 – 2010
xii. Director – Fulltime Lay workers of the Diocese of Colombo
2006-2009
xiii. Licence to officiate in the Diocese of Canterbury. UK. (PTO)
2002 – 2007
xiv. Worked for the Whitstable Team Ministry in the Diocese of Canterbury.UK
2001 – 2005
xv. Anglican minister in the Diocese of Colombo
1989 – to date
xvi Member, Ministerial Advisory Committee, Diocese of Colombo
1996- 2001 & 2005 – 2010
xvii. Chaplain, Denipitiya Medical Mission, Sri Lanka.
1993-1996
xviii. Chaplain, Hillwood College, Kandy, Sri Lanka.( An Anglican College started by CMS missionaries in 1890 )
1999- 2001
xix. Youth Chaplain, Southern Deanery of Sri Lanka.
1993- 1996
xx. Vicar, Church of the Ascension, Matara, Sri Lanka.
1993-1996
xxi. Assistant Curate, All Saints Church, Galle, Sri Lanka.
1992
xxii. Assistant Curate, St. Marks Church, Badulla, Sri Lanka.
1989-1991
~ The cross of the Diocese of Kurunagala is a replica of the 6th century Nestorian cross unearthed from the ancient Kingdom of Anuradhapura in the North Central Province of Sri Lanka ~
● Top part of the Cross – Palmyra palm wood from the North of Sri Lanka # Bottom part of the cross – coconut wood from the South of Sri Lanka# Middle part – Tea wood from the central hills of Sri Lanka # Bottom base – Jak wood grown in all parts of Sri Lanka●
< the="" self-giving="" love="" of="" the="" cross="" embraces="" all="" cultures="" of="" sri="" lanka="">
E mail frkeerthi@gmail.com - Personal
Content......
1. Insufficiency of mere "dialogue" for the 21st century
2. Religious conversion - A reflection
3. Ethno-religious identities in the global village
4. “English” in Sri Lanka
5. Minority Christian Identity in the Context of Majority Buddhist Identity in Sri Lanka
6. WISDOM STORIES FROM RELIGIONS
7. INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
8. Sinhala Buddhists and Christians
9. The future of Tamil people in Sri Lanka - 2009
10. Call for Moral Passover from Babel to Pentecost
11. “Xenophilia”
12. Significance and Derivation of Christmas
INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
As the concept called interfaith dialogue has been around for well over half a century it is high time to evaluate the effect of this notion in society. It is not a coincidence that this concept came into being as a post colonial and post Second World War reality in the context of the loss of the Western colonial power in Asian countries such as India and Sri Lanka.
A closer look at interfaith dialogue reveals that it was mainly the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian church who initiated this process. This group was ethnically composed of Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasian people along with some Europeans. This shows that for these people interfaith dialogue was a binding factor irrespective of their ethnic affiliations. One may assume that they came together for this process because of their common faith of Christianity. However to have a sound coherent understanding of this issue it is necessary to look into other factors that made them interested to commence this process called interfaith dialogue.
It is not a secret that this category called the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian Church was well established, having social and political power under British colonial rule. Under the British this power was cemented by their Christianity (especially the Anglican branch of the Christian Church). However, when colonial rule ended they lost this prime position that they had had through their faith. Not only this particular elite of the Christian church in Sri Lanka and Asia but also the Western colonial powers had to comprehend the bitter reality that Christianity was more of a hindrance rather than an assistance to keep some grip on their former colonies. Here the possible effective and evident alternative was “interfaith” rather than “Christianity.” In this process it is very intriguing to note that what they inaugurated with “interfaith” was not a “relationship” but a “dialogue.”
After more than five decades it is very apparent that the positive effect of this process is very minimal among the common people in the pews of the Christian church. Instead we can observe a very negative resistance to this dialogue by many Christians in Sri Lanka. Here it is necessary to look into this phenomenon to evaluate the effect of this concept in society.
This process took ethnicity and other grass root realities such as poverty and identity created through religion into minimum consideration. Therefore for ordinary Christians this process did not become very meaningful as a living experience. Also many ordinary Christians were frightened by what is called “syncretism,” where they believed that Christian faith would be watered down through this process called interfaith dialogue. For this reason the response especially of Charismatic and evangelical Christians to interfaith dialogue has been very pessimistic and negative.
However the fact cannot be ignored that to live in harmony we have to live together as sisters and brothers irrespective of our various identities (religious, ethnic, cultural, etc.) which are decisive in creating meaningful boundaries to feel secure in society. But the aforementioned analysis reveals that the process called interfaith dialogue has not been meaningful or powerful enough to promote and instigate this effective harmonious living in our society.
In this context what is necessary is to fashion a situation where people could reduce xenophobia, which is fear of the encounter of strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena faced by various groups in society. To responded to this situation it can be proposed that it is appropriate to introduce a progression which could be called “ xenophilia” where people are encouraged to formulate positive healthy relationships with so-called strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena by crossing one’s own boundary. This process could create space for each community to wrestle with its own issues rather than handling their concerns in a structure created by somebody else to meet their own ends.
2.
Religious conversions
A reflection
Religious conversion is a controversial issue often debated in Sri Lanka. Apart from inflammatory writing and argument there have been cases of physical assault, maybe with the intention of preventing a conversion. I believe we first need a proper understanding of why anyone should seek to change from one religion to another - if not from a genuine spiritual conviction. A common allegation, if not the only one, is that many have been converted for the sake of money and material wealth. (I have met people who come into this category.) Why would anyone change their faith for a material motive? When people in real material need get support from individuals or groups they may feel it is good to identify themselves with those who are willing to support them. This is a natural human response, and I believe every human being has the right to do this. Yet I also strongly believe it is the responsibility of people who help the needy not to encourage them to change their religion just for money or material things.
Can we really call such a change a 'religious' conversion? I have doubts about this from experience of living in Sri Lanka. Some who are of this mind and purpose keep moving from place to place to get support here and there and so overcome their material difficulties. However, as they don’t remain in one place for long there's hardy anything 'religious' in their conversion. Some others who have been given material support identify with those who helped them - for a time - but when they realise they can get no more help they gradually dissociate themselves from those who supported them. It's clear that people who try to change their religious identity for material needs often fail to keep their new faith when they cease to get help.
Does this imply that there are no true religious conversions? Not at all. But if we want a proper understanding of these conversions, first we should understand the reality of change. It is a fact that whether we like it or not we all keep on changing. This is well explained in the Buddhist concepts of Dukkha, Anicca and Anatta. Some people change their identities due to various social reasons within their community. When people are not accepted and respected in a community they seek to change their identity. They may change religions to gain more acceptance and respect and to feel comfortable within the community. Others who face a crisis such as sickness change their beliefs to get blessings and healing and overcome the problem they are faced with. Some others aim to change their social class by changing their religion and settling in the new class they have chosen. Many other reasons can be given for religious conversions within a society.
In Sri Lanka in particular there is a need for a practical solution to overcome the tension between various religions. Here I would like to suggest a method that I adopted in various parts of the country - to handle religious conversions in consultation with religious leaders of the community. When someone expresses a wish to change their religion they could be counselled by a leader of the faith they presently belong to and also a leader of the faith they wish to embrace. This kind of understanding is specially important in areas which are, in the main, traditionally of one faith.
I believe that if this strategy could be adopted in Sri Lanka it would help to strengthen understanding between different religions when faced with the issues of religious conversions.
3.
Ethno-religious identities in the global village
In this 21st century people all over the world have become aware of how far away places are being brought closer together into a so-called ‘global village’. This trend is enhanced by modern communication and transport systems such as the Internet, e-mail. high- speed trains and planes. The phenomenon of the global village makes it necessary to understand how local adaptation is often coloured by ancient ethno-religious identities. . Today people of various ethnic and religious groups live closer to each other than in past centuries and there is a general expectation that they will gradually forget their identities within the melting pot of the global village. Often this expectation is fuelled by countries who are stand most to benefit from globalism.
It is natural for countries and communities who are potential losers in the global movement to seek ways of regaining the lost power and prestige that globalism brings. With the threat of losing so much they have only their ethnic and religious identities as a basis for coming together to regain what they have lost. The question may be asked as to why they focus on ethno-religious identities rather than political systems which could help them fight to regain what they have lost in the global economy. But political systems often have to go along with global tendencies for their survival and people are reluctant to resist or work to prevent policies implemented by the most powerful countries of the world.
Many so-called Third World countries have been reviving their ethno-religious identities politically - at times with extreme tendencies - as a response to global tendencies. Often they have taken an anti-western stance in response to the centralisation of global powers in the west. These ethno-religious identities are becoming further strengthened as a result of the western standardisation of such aspects of human life as materialism, cultures and political systems where some minorities are even faced with actual extinction.
Nor can we overlook the way in which ethno-religious identities were used by nations in the 20th century to gain independence from western colonial rule. The fresh memories of these struggles for independence have encouraged peoples in Third World countries to use their ethno-religious identities once again to fight the forces, which threaten their very existence in the world.
Is it not, therefore, the responsibility of the western world to be sensitive to the ethno- religious identities of poorer nations and to avoid the extreme steps taken by some groups in those countries? Otherwise it will be difficult to prevent the expansion of groups, which threaten peace throughout the world. If the current tendency of rich countries to become richer while poor countries become poorer is not checked it will be hard to stop people in poorer countries taking extreme steps - feeling they have nothing to lose.
4.
“English” in Sri Lanka
The word “ English” could mean many things to people in Sri Lanka. Whatever the meaning the very word “ English” frightens many Sinhala and Tamil educated people who have little knowledge of English culture and language. The environment created by the English educated elite mainly causes this Anglophobia in Sri Lanka.
Today some influential English educated people in Sri Lanka live in a fantasy world and try to emphasis the “Oxford” or “BBC” English as the correct and accurate English, which should be used in Sri Lanka. In a way these people are trying to keep colonial Victorian English alive with an emotional attachment to this type of the language which made them, or their relations, masters of other Sri Lankans under colonial rule. What they have not realised is the fact that today, even in the “Oxford” or “BBC” type language culture in the UK, it is hard to show an homogeneous type of the English language or pronunciation as, for example: the BBC particularly tries now to function as an area in which people with a wider variety of regional accents and with language structures from all over the world are included. Not only in these areas but also in many parts of the world, with the influence of globalisation, people are using English in a multiplicity of ways for communication.
The culture that these English educated elites have created in emphasising so called “ Oxford” or “BBC” English” has been humiliating many Sinhala and Tamil educated people, giving the impressing that they are “fools” or “uneducated” in Sri Lanka. Often these English educated elites suffer from “ teacher mentality” and keep on correcting the little English used by Sinhala and Tamil educated people to show their authority over them. It is the responsibility of Sinhala and Tamil educated people to take measures to prevent this teacher mentality to allow the majority of the population to learn English without undue pressures in the society. Sinhala and Tamil educated people should not be misled by these elites as they come from the same tradition as the people who stressed -after independence (specially after 1956) - that Sinhala and Tamil are enough for Sri Lankans.
In a country like Sri Lanka it is useful to stress English in two different ways. First of all it is the link language that is used to bring together various ethnic groups in Sri Lanka. Secondly English is the best international language to enable all Sri Lankans to widen their horizons in order to gain exposure to the rest of the world. The best example for this type of usage of English is found in our only immediate neighbour and big sister India.
In this situation it is high time for Sri Lankans to promote English for communication with basic grammar and a clear understandable accent and to eradicate the elite approach of keeping English as a way of life for their superiority survival.
5.
Minority Christian Identity in the Context of Majority Buddhist Identity in Sri Lanka
Introduction, Scope of Study and Method
In this short paper it is expected to examine the identity issues of Christian minority in the surroundings of Buddhist majority in Sri Lanka. This is done by considering sociological realities connected to Buddhist and Christian identity with theological inputs that have been necessarily associated with the identities of these world religions. Hence this paper highlights theological issues as long as they are empirically intertwined with the identity concerns of the people of these two scripture-based religions in Sri Lanka.
Although this study mainly discusses the issue of Christians in the context of Sinhala Buddhism, to enhance the scope of this research other realities such as Tamil ethnic presence are taken into consideration appropriately. Through scrutiny an effort is made to investigate the possibilities of contributing to ethno-religious harmony in Sri Lanka by understanding the identity of Christians in the bosom of Buddhism. Yet it is not the intention of this paper to have an extensive analysis of the Buddhist and Christian communities and post-war situation in Sri Lanka.
This brief research is done by placing Sri Lankan context in the global realities and research appropriately. The substance of this paper is obtained from the written literature and the living experience of the writer of this research. Other necessary information and views have been accessed from the writer’s previous research of similar vein in Sri Lanka and the UK.
A very brief introduction to the social history of the Christian community in Sri Lanka
In Sri Lanka Buddhism is the majority religion (69%) and Christianity is one of the minority religions (7.6%) of the people of this land. Although almost all the native Buddhists in Sri Lanka are Sinhala people the reverse is not the case. About 4% out of the 7.6% Christian minority are Sinhala. Approximately 3.6% are of Tamil ethnic origin. [1]
The continuous existence of the present day Christian community in Sri Lanka can be traced to the arrival of the Portuguese at the beginning of the 16th century. This was followed by the Dutch in 1658 CE and then the British in the year 1796 CE. The Portuguese introduced Roman Catholicism while the Dutch established the Dutch Reformed Church, and under the British colonial rule many so-called Protestant denominations such as Methodist and Baptist were initiated along with the religion of the colony called the Anglican denomination.
Although all these colonial powers protected and used their brands of Christian denominations for their own benefit to run the colony, there are some unique features which need to be recognised to create the background for the present research. The Portuguese were involved in mass conversion and used many visual aids and symbols in proclaiming Roman Catholicism. Their priests were celibates and did not depend on the salary from the colonial government. They led a simple life and got involved with the common people in their everyday activities. The Dutch introduced the Dutch Reformed Church by prohibiting all the other religions including Roman Catholicism. They were particularly against Roman Catholicism as the Dutch belonged to the reformed camp who were against the Roman Catholics whose head was the Bishop of Rome (the Pope). Under these circumstances the Portuguese persecuted the Roman Catholics, which created pandemonium among the Roman Catholics in Sri Lanka. The British allowed the flow of many denominations and gave religious freedom to all religions, although special privileges were granted to the Anglican Church. [2]
In 1948, after political independence, Christians lost the many privileged positions that they enjoyed under the colonial regime. Under these circumstances some Christian denominations initiated processes such as indigenisation and inculturation to face the challenges of the postcolonial era. Generally until the mid 1970s the foreign contacts of the Christians were very much restricted. After that time, with the introduction of the market economy in the context of so-called globalisation, once again Christians were able to have a close connection with their foreign counterparts. In this background many new Christian denominations have been introduced to Sri Lanka.
The Problem
The main problem unearthed by this research paper is identified as the tension between universality and particularity of two major religions existing in an island nation called Sri Lanka at the southern tip of India. To understand this problem the following explanation presented by Gunasekara, explaining the characteristics of a universal religion, can be considered useful.
Universality of Principle. There must be nothing in the basic beliefs of the religion that confine it to a particular nation, race or ethnic group. Thus if there is a notion of a "chosen people" then this characteristic is violated.
Non-Exclusiveness of Membership. Any person could be an adherent of the religion concerned, and be entitled to the same privileges and obligations as every other person. This of course does not require every follower of the religion to be of the same level of achievement, but only that some external factor like race or caste prevents individuals from full participation in the religion.
Wide Geographical dispersion. The religion must have demonstrated an ability to find followers amongst a variety of nations or ethnic groups. Thus even if a religion satisfies the first two requirements but has not been able to spread beyond its region of origin it may not qualify to be a universal religion. Thus Jainism is not generally regarded as a universal although its principles are universal in scope and it is non-exclusive.
Non-Exclusiveness of Language. The practices of the religion which require verbal communication should be capable of being done in any language. The authoritative version of its basic texts may be maintained in the original language in which the original expositions were given, but translations of these should be valid, provided that they preserve the sense of the original texts.
Independence of Specific Cultural Practices. The practices of the religion should be free from the cultural practices of a particular group in such matters as food, dress, seating, etc.
Each one of these criteria raise problems but they have to be satisfied to a significant extent if the religion is to be deemed a universal one.[3]
Although in Sri Lanka these two religions, Christianity and Buddhism, basically endeavour to abide by these factors, in creating the identities of the adherents they have the tendency to shift from these features. Dynamics of this inclination create a variety of issues integrally connected to the identities of these religious categories. Hence through this paper it is expected to elaborate this phenomenon to contribute to the area of this research.
Basic Theoretical Framework
The nexus between ethnicity and religion is the foundation of the theoretical framework of this paper. This is done by taking precedence from the theory created by Yang and Ebaugh from their extensive research done on this subject. According to these two scholars the nexus between ethnicity and religion can be identified in three main categories. They are the “ethnic fusion” in which religion is considered as the foundation of ethnicity, “ethnic religion” where religion is one of the many foundations of ethnicity, and thirdly “religious ethnicity” in which case an ethnic group is associated with a particular religion shared by other ethnic groups. [4] This framework in enriched by the theory presented by Hans Mol and others on boundary maintenance and change handling of the religious groups. [5] This is done to examine the creation and recreation of Christian identity in the context of dynamic Buddhist identity in Sri Lanka.
An Analysis
In a country like Sri Lanka, where beliefs and philosophies are taken seriously, in all endeavours, these aspects play a vital role in determining behaviour patterns of people in society. In this background it is indisputable that these features have been an integral part of the happenings in Sri Lanka. Hence folk beliefs and organised religious beliefs amalgamated with ethnicities have become the key factors in both fuelling tension and also showing the capacity to reduce tension to have a better understanding of each other in society.
Up to the present day Buddhism has existed for almost 22 centuries in Sri Lanka. Along with Buddhism, rituals, ceremonies and practices connected to Hindu religiosity have been surviving in this island land. As Middle Eastern and South Indian traders have been visiting Sri Lanka for a very long time, with the rise of Islam in the seventh century, gradually Islam also was established in Sri Lanka.
Beginning from the 16th century with the introduction of Christianity under the colonial regime, the well-established Buddhist identity has been undergoing drastic changes in Sri Lanka. To face the challenges posed by the colonial powers Buddhists have progressively been strengthening their identity on ethno-religious lines. This process, which began as a colonial reality, has been developing in many directions to recreate the denied honour of the Sinhala Buddhist under colonial rule.
Sociologically speaking, Buddhist revivalists came to have a “love-hate” relationship with the Christians, which became prominent after mid 19th century. Bond has explained this in the following manner.
Protestant Buddhism the response of the early reformers who began the revival by both reacting against and imitating Christianity……….[6]
In this process Buddhist revivalists started establishments such as schools and organisations by adopting and adjusting the structures of the Protestant church. Buddhist worship, rituals and ceremonies went through drastic changes. For instance, Buddhists revivalists started Buddhist carols or Bhakthi Gee by adapting the form of Christian carols.
On the other hand, after political independence in 1948 CE, Christians have been trying to become effective by adopting, adjusting and adapting many phenomena from the Buddhist philosophy and culture in Sri Lanka. These are aspects such as church architecture, music and cultural symbols from the traditional Buddhist context in this country.
After political independence in 1948 CE, slowly but steadily the majority Buddhists have been strengthening their identity with the Sinhala ethnicity. Over the years the consciousness of Buddhists as the chosen people of the soil and of Buddhism as the foundation of their Sinhala ethnicity have been increasing, creating many decisive issues in Sri Lanka. This has contributed towards the creation of an identity crisis for Sinhala Christians who do not share the same philosophy, although they share many cultural elements with Sinhala Buddhists in Sri Lanka.
The encounter of Buddhism and Christianity over five centuries have been a theologising experience for both these religions in Sri Lanka. However, the very word “theology” in Christianity has raised many issues for Buddhists who believe in a religion where God or gods are not at the centre of their faith. Regarding this Smart has noted,
The thought that you could have a religion which did not in any straight sense believe in God was a novel thought in the West and still has hardly been digested.[7]
Sinhala Buddhists in Sri Lanka have been strengthening this position to claim that the saving power according to Buddhism is within human beings without necessarily getting assistance from any supernatural entity. [8] Davies has explained this in the following manner,
deepest kind of mystical experience and quest can exist independently of theism…[9]
This belief at times directly and indirectly has been used to counteract Christianity in which theologically God is the centre of all realities. Consequently Buddhists have been working hard to achieve their goals with human efforts, often reminding themselves of a famous saying of the Lord Buddha: “One’s own hand is the shade to his own head.”
.Although it is not required to believe in God or gods to be a Buddhist, the pantheon of gods has a very significant place in popular Buddhist worship. However in Buddhist belief these gods are “much lower than the Lord Buddha.” [10] At the same time, according to Buddhist belief these gods are lower than human beings as well.
Yet the interaction of ordinary Buddhists in certain Christian worship activities is a visible reality in Sri Lanka. In this regard it is highlighted by some scholars that anthropologists have misapprehended the certain behaviours of ordinary Buddhists. The following observation by Gunasinghe highlights this reality,
A Buddhist Sinhalese who takes a vow at a Catholic church will not imagine that he is taking a Buddhist vow, for there are no such vows in Buddhist practice. A Buddhist who wishes to benefit from the laying on of hands by a Catholic priest does not look upon the ritual as a Buddhist act. The distinction that a Buddhist makes in such situations is not a matter of form: it is a matter of fundamentals. Anthropologists seem to deal often only with form and not fundamentals, and to that extent their findings call for caution. [11]
Not only anthropologists but also some Christians have not been grasping this issue of form and fundamental of the conduct of these Buddhists in Sri Lanka. Although in the purview of this study it is not possible to elaborate this matter, for better understanding between Buddhists and Christians this needs to be studied carefully.
In the recent past Buddhists have been accusing Christians, saying that they convert Buddhists through unethical means. In this regards, apart from inflammatory writings, there have even been physical assaults on Christian churches. Efforts have even been made to bring legislation to prevent this so-called unethical conversion. Although in a short paper of this nature it is not possible to elaborate all the issues related to this reality, let us highlight some important concerns.
First of all the fact should be taken into consideration that today the Christian minority as a community does not enjoy significant political or military power in Sri Lanka. Then the question is why some Buddhists are threatened by some of their activities? Today the Christian minority is about 7% and is geographically well spread in Sri Lanka. They use all three main languages of Sri Lanka (Sinhala, Tamil and English) equally in their activities. Ethnically Christians are comprised almost equally of Sinhala and Tamil, the two main ethnic groups of Sri Lanka. Among Christians the literacy rate is almost 100% and the knowledge of English, the international language, is higher than in the other groups in Sri Lanka. The percentage of international relationships of Christians is also better than the other groups in Sri Lanka. These realities clearly show that Christians have a disproportionate representation in Sri Lanka. In other words it can be said that the Christian minority has been living with a majority psychology owing to these facts.
On the other hand Buddhists mainly confine themselves to the Sinhala language for their activities, and almost all the Buddhists ethnically belong to the Sinhala category. Unlike Christians, the majority of the Buddhists in Sri Lanka live in rural areas where they are not much exposed to international realties in the world. These circumstances have caused these Buddhists to develop a minority psychology in this country.
The tension between Sinhala and Tamil ethnic groups has been making Sinhala Christians vulnerable in the area of boundary maintenance for the identity making of this group. These Sinhala Christians were often forced to have a dichotomy in their identity in Sri Lanka. In this dichotomy this Sinhala Christian group has been identifying religion-wise with Tamil Christians while ethnically they were doing the same with Sinhala Buddhists. Therefore this state of affairs has created an identity crisis for the Sinhala Christians in the bosom of the Sinhala Buddhist majority in Sri Lanka.
Conclusion
The brief analysis shows that Christians and Buddhists have been living with a kind of xenophobia in Sri Lankan society. Christians have been expanding their boundaries with the international realties, perhaps with little attention to the contextual realties around them. On the other hand Sinhala Buddhists have been strengthening their local identity with Sinhala ethnic group that have developed phobias for many groups including Christians. This shows the necessity of keeping both global and local realities in proper balance and tension by both Buddhists and Christians in Sri Lanka.
Hence it is clear that the mutual enriching and enhancing of these two world religions both sociologically and theologically could inspire “xenophilia” instead of the prevailing xenophobia in Sri Lankan society.
[1] Somaratna, G. P. V.(1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[2] Somaratna, G. P. V.(1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[3] Gunasekara V.A.(1994), An Examination of the Institutional Forms of Buddhism in the West with Special Reference to Ethnic and Meditational Buddhism, The Buddhist Society of Queensland, PO Box 536, Toowong Qld 4066, Australia. <>http://www.buddhanet.net/bsq14.htm >
[4] Yang, F. & Ebaugh, H.E. ( 2001), ‘Religion and Ethnicity Among New Immigrants :The Impact of Majority/ Minority Status in Home and Host Countries’, Journal for Scientific Study of Religion, 40:3 p.369.
[5] Mol, Hans (Ed)(1978), Identity and Religion: International, Cross Cultural Approaches, Saga Publication Ltd, 28 Banner Street, London. p.2.
[6] Bond, G. D. (1988), The Buddhist Revival in Sri Lanka, , Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi, p.5.
[7] Smart, N. (1984), ‘The Contribution of Buddhism to the Philosophy of Religion’, in ‘Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace’, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p. 89.
[8] Davies, D.J. (1984), Meaning and Salvation in Religious Studies, E.J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands. P.1.
[9] Smart, N. (1984), ‘The Contribution of Buddhism to the Philosophy of Religion’, in Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p. 90.
[10] de Silva, L.(1980), Buddhism : Beliefs and Practices in Sri Lanka, Ecumenical Institute, 490/5, Havelock Road, Colombo 6, Sri Lanka , p.63.
[11] Gunasinghe, S. (1984), ‘Buddhism and Sinhala Rituals’, in Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p.38.
6
WISDOM STORIES FROM RELIGIONS
HINDU
Once upon a time there was a wise merchant who had five sons. One day he asked each son to find a stick . When they each had one, their father told them to break the sticks which they did without any difficulty. Then the father colleted the broken sticks and bundled them up together to teach his sons a lesson.
Father then handed the bundle to each of the sons asking them to break it. But it was so strong no one was able to break it.
Then their father said, “ If you are bound together you are very strong”
BUDDHIST
(Elephants at Kandy Perahara , Sri Lanka)
This story was told by Buddha to show how the problems between religions are something like the Blind men and the Elephant.
Once upon a time there was a king who asked his servant to call all the blind men in the town to a certain place in that town. He then presented the blind men with a large elephant and asked each man to touch the elephant: one to touch the ear, another the tusk, another the trunk and so on. He then asked each blind man to describe the elephant. The one who touched the tusk said it was like a plough, the one who touched the tail said it was a brush, the one who touched the leg said it was a pillar. As the blind men began to disagree with each other’s views they became very cross and started hitting each other.
ISLAM
In the Quran (80.24) Allah said: “Then let man look at his food.”
You live in England and your mother prepares fish for you to eat. This fish may have come from Sri Lanka. Allah tells his followers to look at their food to see where it came from, how it came, how it was created, etc. Allah created this particular fish in a river in Sri Lanka. Then Allah gave it food and looked after it so that it grew up. Allah then caused a fisherman to catch the fish and sell it to another person. Then Allah caused that person to send the fish all the way to England where someone bought it from a stall. Then the fish was cooked and served on your table. Allah did all these things so that you could have something to eat!
CHRISTIANITY
A parable narrated by Jesus
Once a certain father had 2 sons. One day the younger son asked his father to give him his share from his father’s wealth. The father divided his wealth and gave the younger son his share. This young man took his wealth and went to a faraway country where he spent it all. Then there was a famine in the country and he had nothing to eat. In this situation he managed to get a job looking after pigs. While looking after them, as he was hungry, he ate the food their food . In this sad situation he remembered how even his father’s servants ate much better than this. Then he got up and decided to go back to his father and tell him how he had sinned against God and his father and was not worthy to be called his son. Therefore he asked his father to accept him back as one of his servants.
As he approached home he saw his father waiting for him and when his father saw him coming he was delighted and arranged a feast for him. As the feast was going on the elder brother came home after work and when he learnt that his younger brother had returned he was angry. He asked his father “ Why did you accept this your son who wasted your wealth”. Father said “ He was lost and found, therefore we should rejoice” But the elder brother was unhappy, saying that he had been there with him throughout his life but had not even received a small goat to enjoy with his friends. Then the father told him “all that I have is yours - please come and rejoice”.
7.
INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
As the concept called interfaith dialogue has been around for well over half a century it is high time to evaluate the effect of this notion in society. It is not a coincidence that this concept came into being as a post colonial and post Second World War reality in the context of the loss of the Western colonial power in Asian countries such as India and Sri Lanka.
A closer look at interfaith dialogue reveals that it was mainly the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian church who initiated this process. This group was ethnically composed of Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasian people along with some Europeans. This shows that for these people interfaith dialogue was a binding factor irrespective of their ethnic affiliations. One may assume that they came together for this process because of their common faith of Christianity. However to have a sound coherent understanding of this issue it is necessary to look into other factors that made them interested to commence this process called interfaith dialogue.
It is not a secret that this category called the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian Church was well established, having social and political power under British colonial rule. Under the British this power was cemented by their Christianity (especially the Anglican branch of the Christian Church). However, when colonial rule ended they lost this prime position that they had had through their faith. Not only this particular elite of the Christian church in Sri Lanka and Asia but also the Western colonial powers had to comprehend the bitter reality that Christianity was more of a hindrance rather than an assistance to keep some grip on their former colonies. Here the possible effective and evident alternative was “interfaith” rather than “Christianity.” In this process it is very intriguing to note that what they inaugurated with “interfaith” was not a “relationship” but a “dialogue.”
After more than five decades it is very apparent that the positive effect of this process is very minimal among the common people in the pews of the Christian church. Instead we can observe a very negative resistance to this dialogue by many Christians in Sri Lanka. Here it is necessary to look into this phenomenon to evaluate the effect of this concept in society.
This process took ethnicity and other grass root realities such as poverty and identity created through religion into minimum consideration. Therefore for ordinary Christians this process did not become very meaningful as a living experience. Also many ordinary Christians were frightened by what is called “syncretism,” where they believed that Christian faith would be watered down through this process called interfaith dialogue. For this reason the response especially of Charismatic and evangelical Christians to interfaith dialogue has been very pessimistic and negative.
However the fact cannot be ignored that to live in harmony we have to live together as sisters and brothers irrespective of our various identities (religious, ethnic, cultural, etc.) which are decisive in creating meaningful boundaries to feel secure in society. But the aforementioned analysis reveals that the process called interfaith dialogue has not been meaningful or powerful enough to promote and instigate this effective harmonious living in our society.
In this context what is necessary is to fashion a situation where people could reduce xenophobia, which is fear of the encounter of strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena faced by various groups in society. To responded to this situation it can be proposed that it is appropriate to introduce a progression which could be called “ xenophilia” where people are encouraged to formulate positive healthy relationships with so-called strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena by crossing one’s own boundary. This process could create space for each community to wrestle with its own issues rather than handling their concerns in a structure created by somebody else to meet their own ends.
8.
Sinhala Buddhists and Christians
In Sri Lanka there are 72% of Sinhala people who speak Sinhala language and live in the predominant “Sinhala” culture. Among them about 69% profess Buddhism as their religion while others belonged to Christian faith. In the recent past, due to many reasons, there were many incidents in Sri Lanka where there were tensions between Sinhala Christians and Buddhists.
There are some Buddhists who think that Christians are henchmen of past colonial era and consider them as enemies. Some others consider them as betrayers of Sinhala ethnic group. Perhaps another important contributory phenomenon for this is the fact that Sinhala Christians share their ethnicity with Sinhala Buddhists while having their common religion with Tamil Christians. Over and above all these, the main reason for tension is related to so call unethical conversions from Buddhism to Christianity. In this present situation, how can these two religious groups, who belonged to same Sinhala ethnic group could live in with peace and harmony?
Sinhala Christians should realise that although they profess Christian faith they belonged to Sri Lankan Sinhala culture and that it is also their duty to protect and preserver this unique culture. In this context it is their responsibility to search for a common Sri Lanka Christian identity not on western values but on the gospel proclaimed by Jesus Christ. As Sinhala people it is necessary for them to have a sound understanding of Buddhism, which has contributed immensely to the development of Sinhala culture in Sri Lanka. It is important for Sinhala Christians to learn that Sinhala Christians have not got rooted in Sinhala agricultural areas where the majority of Sinhala Buddhists live.
On the other hand it is important for Sinhala Buddhists to realise that Sinhala Christians are an integral part of Sinhala ethnic group although they profess a different faith. The majority of the Christians are part and parcel of Sri Lankan society and that they are proud of their Sinhala identity. It is helpful for Sinhala Buddhists to be aware that Sinhala Christians have created a predominant Sinhala fisher culture and a sub culture in the urban areas in Sri Lanka.
In the context of the development of religious “fundamentalism” both Sinhala Christians and Buddhists should take care not to come to conclusion that “My” faith is the only true faith and therefore “I” should despise all the other faiths. It is a visible reality of the growth of these groups in both Christianity and Buddhism who use arrogant methods to condemn other religions. It is the responsibility of Sinhala people whether Christian or Buddhists to take every possible step to avoid these extreme, unhealthy positions often promoted by tiny minorities.
As universal religions, Buddhism and Christianity have been able to get rooted in many cultures and societies. Therefore it is useful for Sinhala Christians and Buddhists to learn from other Buddhists and Christians of others cultures and societies where they live in peace and harmony respecting and helping each other.
9.
The future of Tamil people in Sri Lanka
2009
The Sri Lankan Government claims that they have wiped out the LTTEers from Sri Lanka. According to Government sources all the geographical areas are now under the control of the Sri Lankan Government. Announcing this “victory” the President of Sri Lanka said that now in Sri Lanka there are no “minorities” but only two sections of the society. They are the people “who love the Motherland” and those “who don’t love the Motherland”. In this whole dilemma it is important to look into the future of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.
Although the President declared that hereafter there are no minorities in Sri Lanka, the Tamil people will continue to speak Tamil and maintain their unique cultures in Sri Lanka. As we consider this issue it should be taken into consideration that in this post modern era where different cultures and languages meet in the same market place people have been strengthening their identities to become meaningful entities in society. Sociologists are gradually realising that the Western expectation of the “Melting Pot” theory of the past century, where people are expected to integrate into the main culture, creating this “pot”, is not happening.
After this “humanitarian” war many Tamil people from the former LTTE controlled areas are now in the IDP (internally displaced people) camps. According to Government sources they now trust the Government and they have given up their allegiances to the LTTE regime. When we met these people we could notice the confusion in these people. For instance one elderly lady told us that she was not an LTTEer but two of her sons are “Mahaweerans” (literary meaning Great heroes). The Sri Lanka Tamil term Mahaweeran is very much similar to “Ranaviruwo” (literary war hero) in Sinhala. The term in Tamil, Mahaweeran, is pregnant with meaning and it gives strength and courage to Tamil people in the same way that the Ranaviruwo functions among many Sinhala people. As the realities of this nature among Tamil people are going to remain for a very long time there will be repercussions from this in time to come. At the moment it is too early to predict these repercussions as these people are in a desperate situation as IDPs.
The fact that LTTE was well established in many countries such as Canada and England is going to affect the future endeavours of Sri Lanka regarding Tamil people in particular. Although the militant group who were called terrorists because of their actions are defeated, the concerns that they presented to keep their power locally and globally are still lingering all over the world. The huge number of IDPs from so-called former LTTE controlled areas will contribute to keeping alive and strengthening these concerns in the global scene.
In all the celebrations, especially in the South of Sri Lanka, after the defeat of the LTTE, the impression is given that all the “minorities” have to live at the mercy of the majority. For instance a 10 year old girl asked me why is that people are using the Buddhist flag to celebrate victory over the LTTE. Then she said it may be to show that they are against Hindus because Hindus are generally Tamils. I strongly believe that we are called to learn a lesson from this innocent 10 year old girl who represents the future generation of our country.
In this post modern era if we are to have lasting peace we have to respect the self determination and the boundary maintenance of Tamil people in Sri Lanka. Everything possible should be done to fashion positive and constructive leadership to fill up the huge gap created by the downfall of the LTTE in Sri Lanka. To have positive results this should be done by the Tamil people for Tamil people. Others may act as facilitators without disturbing the natural course of acting in this regard.
10
Call for Moral Passover from Babel to Pentecost
Sri Lanka is a land blessed with people from various cultures, languages and religions who live in this Island, making it their motherland. History tells us that although at times they have had tensions, generally they been living together with a spirit of tolerance, respecting each other’s differences. This was apparent in Sri Lankan kingdoms before the 16th century, prior to Western colonisation. For instance, in medieval times the image of the bull was removed from the moonstones - Sandakada pahana - as it was a sacred animal in Hinduism. In this way people lived in diversity but in unity rather than unity in diversity.
Things began to change from the 16th century with colonising by the Portuguese, Dutch and British who came from homogeneous, ethno-religious identities dominated by one language. Portuguese spoke Portuguese and acknowledged the Roman Catholic form of Christianity, while the Dutch spoke Dutch and accepted the 'reformed' faith. The British, who were the first foreign power to conquer and occupy the whole island, spoke English and their established Christian religion was that of the Anglican Church. Drastic changes took place under British rule and the whole island was governed by a homogeneous ethos, giving prominence to the English language and Anglicanism. English gradually became the official language and the Anglican Church was the main Christian church of the colony of Ceylon.
When Sri Lanka gained independence from the British Empire in 1948, Sri Lankans did not have a clear model to replace this homogeneous form of English and Anglicanism. Each group was determine to promote its own language, religion and culture without having a clear vision of harmonious existence as one nation in their motherland. Today, at the beginning of the 21st century, this has led to ethno-religious and cultural tensions, bringing chaos to this Paradise Island. How, then, should Christians live in harmony in this multi-religious, cultural and linguist context? What sort of inspiration can we derive from the the scriptures?
The story of the tower of Babel tells us how human beings who spoke one language wanted to build a tower to reach up to Heaven so as not to be scattered over the face of the earth. They became inward looking and sought to create a powerful a culture of their own based on one language. This is a valuable lesson for us today in Sri Lanka. As Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasians we have been trying to build our own towers of Babel to reach Heaven. We have became very self centred and selfish with our own languages and cultures. We have become confused, having to speak many languages. It is evident that our towers of Sinhala, Tamil and English are falling down, but we make desperate efforts to keep them standing and active. This is true both of the church and of the state. Often we Christians boast that we have people from all the three main language groups in Sri Lanka. Does this mean that we are free from contributing to the building and maintaining our own towers of Babel?
The story of Pentecost gives us the best model to adopt in this chaotic situation. The first Pentecost brought people from many cultures together, but not on the basis of one language or culture. What brought them together was the spirit of truth rather than their religious institutions. Though they spoke in their own languages they were able to understand each other.
How is it that today we can speak in our own languages yet understand each other? We see this among small children. I have seen this at the Theological College of Lanka Pilimatalawa. When children come together from Sinhala, Tamil and English backgrounds they speak their own languages yet understand one another. Then gradually they begin to speak each other’s languages. I remember a small Tamil boy challenging me when I spoke to him in my broken Tamil. He said: “Why are you speaking to me in Tamil? Speak to me in Sinhala because I understand Sinhala.” He said this in English!
We should remember that God has created diversity for us to celebrate, not to divide us.. In the sight of God all languages and cultures are equally valuable. Let us not be in such a hury to condemn sister faiths in our country. As Christians we are called to have the mind of Jesus. When the Samaritan women at the well asked Jesus the right place for worship He said it was not in the mountain nor in Jerusalem but we should worship God in spirit and in truth. He told his disciples that when the spirit of truth comes he would lead them into all truths. The most important thing is to obey the spirit of truth in all our endeavours and not condemn those who are not in our camp. Remember the response of Jesus when his disciples rebuked those who healed the sick in His name. Jesus said: “Those who are not against us are for us”
As human beings and Christians we should learn to live in symbiosis with other people of cultures, religions and languages. To do we must learn to think globally but act locally. Otherwise we may become global people who forget their roots or have the temptation to become too local and forget the global realities.
Therefore as mature human beings and Christians let us learn to be local in the context of our global world and to think globally without being isolated from local realities.
11
Sumanagiri Viharaya and Lanka Devadharma Shastralaya (The Sumanagiri Buddhist Temple and the Theological College of Lanka) – Three decades of “Xenophilia”
In December 2008 the Christmas programme with cultural elements organised by the Theological College of Lanka was held in an unconventional manner in the Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya. Devotees of the temple extended their cooperation by supporting the arrangements for the programme and by supplying short eats and sweet meats to entertain the brothers and sisters who came to the temple from the Theological College.
The saga did not end with Christmas: five months later in May 2009 a Wesak programme organised by the Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya was held at the Theological College of Lanka. The children of the temple’s Daham Pasala or Sunday school and the children of the Nandana Pre School of the Theological College of Lanka took part in the programme by singing Wesak Bhakthi Gee or Wesak Carols. This programme was facilitated by a Long Vacation Field Education Group of the Theological College of Lanka. At the end of the programme the community of the Theological College of Lanka extended their hospitality to the brothers and sisters of the village who shared responsibility in making this programme a visible reality.
These two noteworthy exceptional programmes were held not as isolated happenings but as a result of the long and affable relationship which has been growing steadily for over three decades.
It was in the 1980s that the then Principal of the Theological College of Lanka invited the Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero to teach at the College. As this invitation was gladly accepted by the then Chief monk of Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya (which is commonly called the Kudugala Pansala), the relationship between these two institutions started by sending Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero to teach Buddhist Philosophy and Sinhala literature to the theological students at the College.
This mental feeding through the teachings of the Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero was strengthened by the mutual physical feeding through a natural process. Sometimes when the monk came for lectures the College made arrangements for him to have Dhana (midday meal) at the College while some students enjoyed the food offered by (members) Dhayakas of the Temple.
In the mid 80s, when the Ven Pallagama Dhammissara Thero was physically getting weak, he introduced his chief disciple, Ven. Buddumulle Sumanaratene Thero, to teach practical Sinhala to the Tamil students at the College, enhancing the continuation of this link by handing over the responsibility to the next generation. Gradually Ven. Sumanaratane Thero took over from his guru the responsibility of teaching both practical Sinhala and Buddhism at the College and he still teaches Buddhism to the students. From time to time he has also been functioning as a patron of the Sinhala association of the Theological College.
Now all over the island of Sri Lanka Sumararatne Thero has students who are Christian priests. This has created a lasting impact on society to facilitate Xenophilia especially among Christians and Buddhists in Sri Lanka.
This exemplary relationship between these two institutions was possible because of the renunciation of strong boundary maintenance of these two establishments for the mutual spiritual growth. Through this natural ongoing and growing relationship both parties are able to learn from each other, which in turn has enriched them socially and spiritually.
12
Significance and Derivation of Christmas
Why do people celebrate Christmas? A straightforward answer to this question is that Christmas is the birthday of Christ. Does this mean that Jesus was born on the 25th December? No, it does not mean that He was born on December 25th. The truth is that nobody knows the day on which Jesus was born. Then one may ask the reason for celebrating Christmas on the 25th December every year. This is a complex and complicated story, which needs to be investigated to have a sound understanding of Christmas.
It is clear that the early Christians did not celebrate the birthday of Christ. In the New Testament of the Bible, apart from the records of the birth of Christ we do not find any record of these early followers of Jesus Christ celebrating the birthday of their leader and master. This is not something surprising as Jesus was a Jew and most of the early followers of Jesus were Jewish people. For Jews birthdays were not very important as for the Romans or Greeks. In this background the only clear birthday recorded in the New Testament is the birthday celebration of King Herod, after which event John the Baptist, the forerunner of Jesus, was beheaded.
According to the generally accepted history of the Christian Church Christmas has been celebrated on 25th December since 354CE. Before this time, and after the New Testament period, this festival was celebrated on 6th January. It is necessary to understand the context of January 6th to comprehend the festival that was celebrated on this date. In pagan antiquity 6th January was the feast of Dionysus the Greek vegetarian god of wine. It was the belief of the followers of this god that by transforming water into wine this god revealed his divine power. Very probably, when the early Christians gradually initiated the celebration of the incarnation of God in Jesus the established legend of Dionysus would have created a significant ground to make the nativity of Jesus effective and meaningful. This is clear in the way in which they celebrated the Epiphany on the 6th January by commemorating the feast of the power of revelation of their God in a way by displacing the feast of the epiphany of Dionysus.
On the other hand the gradual development of 25th December as the nativity of Christ from the mid 4th century cannot be understood without a sound understanding of the mid winter festivals of the ancient world. These festivals were especially prominent in ancient Babylon and Egypt. At the same time Germanic fertility festivals were also held during this winter season. Along with the winter festivals the birth of the sun god was particularly associated with 25th December. For instance, the births of the ancient sun god Attis in Phrygia and the Persian sun god Mithras were celebrated on December 25th. The Roman festival of Saturn (Saturnalia), the god of peace and plenty, was from 17th to 24th December. These festivals were held with great festivity along with public gatherings, exchange of gifts and candles, etc.
Apart from these origins there are many other customs and traditions from other cultures which are embedded with Christmas. For instance the custom of decorating homes and altars with evergreen leaves of holly and mistletoe during the Christmas season came from the ancient Celtic culture of the British Isles where they revered all green plants as important symbols of fertility. The tradition of calling Christmas Yule tide in many countries is derived from an ancient ritual of burning Yule logs as part of a pagan ceremony associated with vegetation and fire. This community act was performed with the expectation of magical and spiritual powers. It is believed that the widely venerated Saint Francis of Assisi introduced the practice of making cribs by making a model of the scenes of nativity to re-enact the birth of Christ in order to bring spiritual revival to the laity. As is common knowledge, singing is part and parcel of almost all cultures of the world. In the background of this “cultural universal” singing of the carols for Christmas appeared in the Middle Ages and by the 14th century this custom became an integral part of the religious observances of the birth of Christ. Apart from these customs, rituals and ceremonies there are many other traditions such as the Christmas tree and the observance of saint days that are intertwined with the celebration of Christmas.
When Christmas began to be celebrated on the 25th December this festival became meaningful to people as it was able to enrich the birth of Christ by absorbing the meaningful festivals already celebrated in society. This is the core factor that has made Christmas so important for people all over the world. In this particular context it is clear that Christmas is not a mere birthday party for Jesus Christ. It is a festival of light and life. This is clear in the following Bible verses taken from the traditional Bible passage read for Christmas from St. John’s Gospel (St. John 1.1-14),
“In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God. All things came into being through him, and without him not one thing came into being. What has come into being in him was life, and the life was the light of all people.
The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness did not overcome it…..”
Christmas has the power to bring many cultures, traditions and symbols together to uplift humanity to divinity and bring down the divine to humanity. It is the responsibility of Christians and others concerned to make this festival meaningful by adsorbing all life affirming and light generating festivals and activities to this festival. We can see that already this has happened commercially. It is our responsibility to make this happen ethically, morally, culturally and spiritually.
The necessity for this responsibility springs up in the post war contexts of many countries as there are people who still exist in bleak life threatening situations. Here the message of Christmas in not to look into their caste, code, class, ethnicity or religion, but to accept and honour them by respecting them and making them understand that their liberation and redemption is tied up with the salvation of whole humanity.
There are many people who often think that we have to compromise our diversity to work together. This is the western model. Because of their homogeneous structures they are able to have this model. For instance all most all the British people are able to speak to each other in English. Therefore they can use English as their focus for unity by accepting other languages as diversity.
This model want suit us in Sri Lanka. Not only for the languages. But also for our cultures, religions and thought forms this model creates more problems then solutions. That’s why we have to emphasise diversity in unity. A classic example for his comes from the passion narrative in the gospel of John. According to the writer of this gospel when Jesus was crucified his offence on the top of the cross was written in 3 languages. This was written in Latin, Greek and Hebrew.
What was reason for this:
Because
“Latin was the official language of the Roman Empire; it represented human government, power, and conquest. Greek was the international language of culture; it represented human wisdom, art, and commerce. Hebrew was the religious language of the Jews; it represented the Covenant Race, the Law of God, and the means by which God made Himself known to man. In the providence of God, all of these human and divine institutions were addressed when Jesus was crucified”
Most probably Jesus spoke Aramaic at home. His religious language was Hebrew. Official language of the Roman Empire was Latin and the Universal Language of that era was Greek.
We have a similar situation in Sri Lanka. For instance one language is enough to live in a remote village, to go to the next village one needs two languages. To venture out anywhere beyond you need 3 languages.
All these realities remind us the necessity to emphasise the diversity in unity. In a country like Sri Lanka, in a college like ours we have to comprehend and be familiarise with our diversity if we are to create unity.
Christianity and Ethnicity
A sociological interpretation with theological implications and repercussions
© Keerthisiri Fernando
Introduction, Objectives and Methodology
This study seeks to analyse the nexus between Christianity[1] as a religion and the ethnicities of the people who happen to be Christians, using the Sri Lankan context, by taking its some global and local impacts into consideration. Here the effort is made to use sociological tools to stimulate theological articulation in order to strengthen the empirical significance of theology in society at large. At the same time sociological understanding of theology is taken into consideration to make theology more meaningful and relevant in society.
Up to the mid 1970s ethnicity was mainly a subject for academic fields such as anthropology. In these previous studies of ethnicity, religion was often given little attention and at times confined to footnotes.[2] But in the recent past it has been very visible in the global scene that these two variables, namely ethnicity and religion, are internally and integrally connected to each other. Middle Eastern issues between Muslims and Jews and concepts such as “Sinhala Buddhist” in the inflammatory tension between Sinhala and Tamil people can be given as visible and existential examples. Under these circumstances it is necessary to investigate the links, relationships, integration and assimilation between these phenomena called Christianity as a religion and ethnicity to obtain a lucid picture of these realities in society.
From the latter part of the 1970s academics of the social sciences such as Hans Mol, F. Yang and H. E. Ebaugh have been doing research on this field mainly from the sociological and anthropological point of view.[3] Therefore their research mainly comes under etic perspectives. (The etic perspective, again according to Pike, relies upon the extrinsic concepts and categories that have meaning for scientific observation. [4]) But in this study the effort is being made to take both emic and etic perspectives into consideration to keep the tension and balance between both the objectivity and the subjectivity of this research.(.the emic perspective focuses on the intrinsic cultural distinctions that are meaningful to the members of a given society. [5]) Therefore as a result of this stance, this study may produce “theology of sociology” and “sociology of theology” which could be useful in both academic disciples of sociology and theology.
So through this research it is expected to expand the area of research on ethnicity and religion to make this discipline of research clearer and more coherent for the future researchers who would embark on the task of contributing to the knowledge of the academic fields such as anthropology, theology and sociology.
A brief introduction to the social history of the Christian community in Sri Lanka
Although there are evidences to show that Christian influences were in Sri Lanka at least from the 6th century, the continued history of the present Christian community starts form the beginning of the 16th century with the arrival of the Portuguese in 1505CE.[6] Under the Portuguese regime their brand of Christianity (Roman Catholicism) was introduced to the coastal areas, which were under their control in Sri Lanka. The Roman Catholic Church is centred around Rome with the Bishop of Rome or the Pope as the Head of the Roman Catholic Church throughout the world. [7]
When the Portuguese power diminished in Sri Lanka in the mid 17th century the Dutch trade companies gradually took control of the areas controlled by the Portuguese. Their religion was a product of the Western Reformation, and called the Dutch Reformed Church, which was on the opposite side of the Western Latin Roman Catholic Church. So the Dutch took every possible step to eradicate Roman Catholicism from Sri Lanka by prohibiting not only Roman Catholicism but also all the other religions in Sri Lanka. During the Dutch persecution of Roman Catholics some Oratorian Priests, headed by Jacome Gonsalves and Jose Vaas form India, looked after Roman Catholics in Sri Lanka by indigenising Roman Catholicism in Sri Lanka. [8]
In 1796 CE the coastal areas ruled by the Dutch people were handed over the British power in the area. Right from the beginning of their rule the British adopted a liberal attitude towards religions and gave people of all faiths freedom to function in society. With this freedom Roman Catholics, Buddhists and Hindus were gradually able function freely in society. During this period many British denominations such as Anglican, Methodist and Baptist were introduced to Sri Lanka. Among them the Anglican Church, being the state religion of the British Empire, had the privileged position with power and prestige.[9] In the latter part of the 19th century Buddhists and Hindus were involved in a revival by imitating Christian strategies.[10] Through this revival they were able to introduce features such as Buddhist schools and Sunday schools, organizations of the nature of the Young Men’s Buddhists Association[11] and aesthetic aspects to make Buddhism more effective and relevant for that time.[12]
After independence in 1948 Christians gradually lost the privileges enjoyed under colonial regimes. As Christians of various denominations kept on losing their ties with their central organizations in Europe they faced the challenge of becoming more Sri Lankan and working together as “Sri Lankan Christians” in Sri Lanka. In the 1960s the government took over the basic school network mainly managed by the Christians, thereby weakening the influence of Christians in the sphere of education in society.
In the mid 1970s with the introduction of a market economy in Sri Lanka Christians again began to enjoy more ties with their counterparts in Europe and elsewhere. Globalization accelerated the speed of infiltration of new Christian denominations, which are in a way in tune with the global economy in the postmodern era.
Hence, broadly speaking today in Sri Lanka there are three categories of Christian churches, namely the Roman Catholic church, the main Protestant denominations such as Anglican and Methodists, and the new free and charismatic churches which are active and alive in society. [13]
The problem
A religion such as Christianity makes universal claims of the nature of “the Christ is the saviour of the world”. Although theologically Christians are delighted to make such claims, these pronouncements have basic sociological dilemmas which should be addressed. On one hand this is a subjective statement of believers of that particular religion which has no or less implication for others. At the same time, in extreme conditions these beliefs could force the believers of a particular religion to implement arrogant methods of evangelism to try to convert the rest of the members of the community to their own religion.
In the field of sociology there is generally a dearth of research to analyze the link between these universal theological statements and the group identities of the people who make these claims. For instance, when the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British missionaries made statements of this nature, these statements were not just mere religious utterances confined to the faith arena. They had sociological impacts which created tensions between existing local realities. All these colonial powers in Sri Lanka had superior attitudes connected to their ethnic and religious identities, which made them believe that they had a responsibility to put the so-called “natives” in the colony on the correct path. Here sociologically and theologically it is important to investigate the evolvement of this superiority attitude related to the ethnicity and religion of the colonial regimes.
Regarding these types of colonial and post-colonial ethnocentrism P.B. Horton and C.L. Hunt have noted,
The history of colonialism offers many illustrations of the blunders into which ethnocentrism leads. The nineteenth century saw the development of colonialism, a philosophy which calmly assumed that Western nations as the carriers of a superior culture had an obligation to take over the government of Asian and African regions. The ethnocentrism which made the colonial officials so obnoxious to the natives also made these officials unable to recognize how deeply they were resented. (They knew that their presence benefited the natives; why couldn’t the stupid natives see their conquerors’ superiority?) Colonialism has therefore ended with a startling abruptness; and Western ethnocentrism is now being replaced by a still more rigid and intolerant native ethnocentrism of the African and Asian peoples[14]
This statement highlights how colonial ethnocentrisms have been replaced by still more rigid native ethnocentrism. A typical example of this is the development of “Sinhala Buddhism” in Sri Lanka, which has been playing a crucial role in the ethnic tension in Sri Lanka.[15] Although there are many research and studies done on this aforementioned Sinhala Buddhism there is a dearth of literature in the academic arena on the ethnic tendencies of Sinhala and Tamil Christians in Sri Lanka. Therefore it is required to study and analyse what happened to the colonial ethnocentrism of Christians after independence in 1948 and now how local ethnicities are intertwined with Christianity in Sri Lanka to determine the behaviour of Christians in Sri Lanka.
Theoretical Framework
No living religion is an island, which exists in isolation. Religions survive in the society by reacting, responding and reinforcing other phenomena in the context in which they function as a living faith. This is very well taken into consideration in the academics arenas such as sociology, theology, and anthropology. For instance the influence of culture and traditions on religions is well documented in the above-mentioned disciplines. On the same line of thought a few sociologists and anthropologists have begun to investigate the influence of religion on ethnicity and vice versa. In this regard the following explanation given by F. Yang and H.E. Ebaugh. is capable of highlighting the complexity and importance of this issue.
First is “ethnic fusion,” where religion is the foundation of ethnicity, or, ethnicity equals religion, such as in the case of the Amish and Jews. The second pattern is that of “ethnic religion,” where religion is one of several foundations of ethnicity. The Greek or Russian orthodox and the Dutch reformed are examples of this type. In this pattern, ethnic identification can be claimed without claiming the religious identification but the reverse is rare. The third form, “religious ethnicity,” occurs where an ethnic group is linked to a religious tradition that is shared by other ethnic groups. The Irish, Italian, and Polish Catholics are such cases. In this pattern, religious identification can be claimed without claiming ethnic identification.[16]
In this study these three categories of nexus between religion and ethnicity are used as initial stimulators to begin analysis of the Sri Lankan issue of Christianity and ethnicity. For this study, first of all, as background knowledge it is useful to comprehend the categories created by other religions on ethno religious line. The first category, ethnic fusion, can be seen among Muslims in Sri Lanka. Although the majority of them speak Tamil with slight variations they don’t ethnically identify with the Tamil ethnic group. They maintain a Muslim identity for both ethnic and religious categories.
The majority of Sinhala Buddhists and Tamil Hindus maintain the pattern of ethnic religion where they consider religion as one of the foundations of their ethnicity. There are minorities of Buddhists and Hindus in Sri Lanka who are adherents of the category of religious ethnicity and believe that their religious identity can be claimed without ethnic association.[17]
The above generalisation is possible with the fact that almost all the Buddhists and Hindus belong to the Sinhala and Tamil ethnic groups respectively. This kind of generalisation has become intricate on Christians in Sri Lanka mainly due to two reasons. First of all the colonial and imperial origin of Christians has made matters complicated as they were forced to shift their loyalties from a colonial ethnic identity to a local one. Secondly the almost equal composition of Sinhala and Tamil ethnic groups in the Christian community in Sri Lanka in the context of the mono-ethnic association of Sinhala Buddhists and Tamil Hindus has created a complex scene of ethno religious identities of Christians in Sri Lanka.
Whether it is secular, religious or a mixture of both, people create categories of the aforementioned nature to maintain their identities in society. Therefore in the framework of this study it is necessary to have a definition for identity for analysis and evaluation. For this research this framework is created on the following statement by Mol from his extensive research on identity model of religion.
The term “identity” may refer to individual identity, group identity, or social identity. On all these levels identity has something to do with a tendency toward “sameness” or stability, with a tendency toward “wholeness” or integration of traits, or with a strengthening of boundaries around the unit in question. [18]
Hence in this research, on this definition, the boundary maintenance and change handling of Christians who belong to various ethnic groups are taken into consideration with their identities such as group or social in the society. With the creation of these identities tension often develops among the groups with a sense of relative deprivation.
With the group identities people from various categories feel deprivation in a variety of ways. In the analysis of this study it is appropriate to apply the theory of relative deprivation. According to the interpretation of scholars such as Dion, [19] Palmer,[20] and Vaughan & Hogg, [21] the mindset in which people feel that in relation to others they have less than what they are entitled to is called relative deprivation. To apply this to various groups living in the same society Dion has come out with two forms of relative deprivation, which are beneficial for this study. According to her, these two forms are egotistic and fraternalistic. Explaining this, Dion has said that the feeling of individuals who consider they have been deprived in relation to others in their own group can be called egotistic relative deprivation. Dion states ‘on the other hand, fraternalistic relative deprivation occurs when an individual’s ingroup is perceived to be at a disadvantage compared to an outgroup’.[22]
In the present post-modern era with intense external and internal migrations when various religions and cultures meet in the same market place more than ever, there is an expectation that gradually people integrate into a melting pot where people create a “new identity for civic unity”.[23] But in his research Warner has found that instead of creating a melting pot, people have been strengthening their respective identities to define who they are in the society. In this new identity creation, according to him, ethnicities and religions have become vital and decisive.[24] Under these circumstances where people try to recreate their ethnic and religious traditions, invention of tradition[25], introduced by Hobsbawm, becomes evident. In this regard Hobsbawm has noted,
But Hobsbawm made it clear that also much more small-scale and perhaps less dramatic novelties qualify as 'invented traditions'. He mentioned not only adaptations and new uses of old traditions for new purposes, but also the re-use of ancient elements in new contexts. 'Extinct' traditions too can become '(re)invented traditions', when they are revived[26]
According to Hobsbawm this “invented tradition” is not confined to general adaptations like the use of old languages for new purposes as in the case of preaching the Christian gospel in Sinhala, the language of the majority of people in Sri Lanka (about 72%). In this case old elements, which may be extinct, have been reinvented to revive various elements of their identity.
An analysis
Christians as a community have been living in Sri Lanka for the last 5 centuries. Christians mainly belong to two main ethnic groups, Sinhala and Tamil, with a small percentage of Eurasians called Burghers in Sri Lanka. Of the 72% of the Sinhala numerical majority there is about 3-4% who are religiously Christian, while about 69% are Buddhists. In the case of the 18% of Tamils, about 4% are religiously Christian and the rest are Hindus. There is a tiny minority of Eurasian Christians who are less than 1% of the total population of Sri Lanka.[27]
During the colonial era beginning from the 16th century the identities of Christians were integrally connected to the imperial powers, except in a few cases such as in the ministry headed by Joseph Vaas and Jacome Gonsalves in the latter part of the 17th century and the 18th century.[28] But in the mid 20th century with the erosion of colonial supremacy Christians were faced with the challenge of redefining their identity to become a living and meaningful entity in Sri Lanka. With political independence in 1948 Christian leaders such as Bishop Lakdasa de Mel[29] of the Anglican Church and Bishop Edmund Peiris[30] of the Roman Catholic Church were busy with the process of indigenisation and inculturation to recreate new boundaries for Christians to handle the drastic changes of this era. Through this process Christians had up to a certain extent to sacrifice the colonial homogeneous universality of Christianity in order to maintain local boundaries to become effective in Sri Lanka. As Hobsbawm has said, this became “invented tradition” with “re-use of ancient elements in new contexts”[31]. In this process, in the Christian church, aspects such as Sri Lankan traditional architecture, traditional music and dances were used liturgically and socially in an appropriate manner. The classic example for this is the way in which folk music was instrumental in a liturgical revival in the Anglican Church in Sri Lanka. [32]
Through this process pioneers expected to create a Christian identity in Sri Lanka by using both Sinhala and Tamil indigenous and cultural elements together. [33] But with the intensification of the ethnic tension gradually but progressively from 1960s this process was able to create a fertile ground for Christians to look in the direction of two separate identities as Sinhala and Tamil Christians in Sri Lanka. In this manner, in the latter half of the 20th century, as a by-product of this indigenisation, the ethnic partition widened between Sinhala and Tamil Christians in Sri Lanka. Meanwhile between Sinhala and Tamil speaking Christians, colonial ethno centrism started shifting to kinds of Sinhala and Tamil ethnocentrism respectively. As a result of this, theologies have been immerging in the form of indigenous theology with ethnic flavour. This has had the consequence of creating tension not only between Christians but also among other people with global and local repercussions. [34]
The process called interfaith dialogue, which began little over a half a century ago, has been making its contribution towards the ethnic tendencies inside the Christian community. Although this perhaps happened unwittingly it is important to have a critical analysis on this issue in order to have a clear understanding of the ethnic inclinations inside the Christian community. The beginning of this process could be associated with the diminishing of the British Empire. With this diminishing Christians in the British Empire began to search for new identities along with other religions in their respective regions. In Sri Lanka, at the beginning they got involved in this process with a national Sri Lankan identity. This was possible with the pioneers of this movement who being Colonial English educated had an imperial identity with English rather than Sri Lankan ethnic identities. [35] But with the increase of ethnic tension in the country, and the fact that most of the children were being educated in Sinhala and Tamil with ethnic identities, this process took an ethnic stance. For instance Sinhala Christian clergy began to study Buddhism thoroughly while Tamil Christian clergy did the same thing with Hinduism.
It should be taken into consideration that through this process of interfaith dialogue an understanding between religions was created up to a certain extent. Although this understanding was not powerful enough to sustain an effective lasting impact on peace; on ethnic lines it was able to make a significant contribution. Through this process Sinhala Christians who chose to be anti-Tamil were able to identify more with Sinhala Buddhists. On the other hand this dialogue became an inspiration to Tamil Christians who decided to support the Tamil ethnic cause and were able to strengthen their bonds with Tamil Hindus
With processes such as indigenisation and interfaith dialogue in the context of increasing ethnic tension in Sri Lanka, ethnocentrism progressively augmented among Christians in numerous ways in various contexts in Sri Lanka. According to Fernando, Christians have created main cultures in carpentry and fishing areas, subcultures in urban areas and countercultures in agricultural areas in Sri Lanka.[36] In the Sri Lankan context it is visible that Christians in these different categories of culture have been having diffusion with ethnicities in multiplicity of ways.
In the fishing areas where Christians have created exclusive Tamil and Sinhala cultures respectively, ethnocentrism has been visible in many ways for many reasons. The fact that they are mainly monolingual and have created main cultures with their profession fishing, they have been sharing many concerns of their counterparts. Sinhala Christians in these areas have been sharing the ethnocentric tendencies of Sinhala Buddhists, while Tamil Christians have been behaving in a similar way with Tamil Hindus. However the ethno-religious tendencies of both Tamil and Sinhala Christians in these areas have been different from Sinhala Buddhists and Tamil Hindus respectively. The main visible reasons for this have been the shared faith and profession called Christianity and fishing respectively, which have created common ground for them to have some understanding of each other.
In the urban areas where many subcultures exist close to each other, Sinhala Christians, Tamil Christians, bilingual or trilingual Christians from Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasian ethnic groups (Sinhala & Tamil, Sinhala & English, Tamil & English and Tamil, English and Sinhala) have been professing their Christian faith in monolingual, bilingual and trilingual manner. It is visible here that many bilingual and trilingual Christians have been emphasising their Christian identity more than their ethnic identity. In a way they have preferred the category of “Christian Sinhala or Tamil” than “Sinhala or Tamil Christians”.[37] It is observed, that among them, there are mixed marriages between ethnic groups more than in other traditional rural areas in Sri Lanka.
In both Sinhala and Tamil agricultural areas, minority Christians have been creating counter cultures since their faith has little to do with the culture in which they live. In the agricultural areas, although often people physically live apart from each other, psychologically they are close to each other. The reasons for this reality is well explained in the following observations by P.B. Horton & C.L. Hunt
AGRICULTURAL EMPLOYMENT. Nearly all were engaged in agriculture, while even the minister, doctor, teacher, and storekeeper were deeply involved in an agricultural way of life. The agricultural practices were highly traditional, allowing very little experimentation or trial–and–error method. All faced common problems, performed common tasks, and shared a common helplessness before the awesome natural forces which man cannot control. Rural people are often said to be more religious than city dwellers, possibly because of this closeness to overpowering natural forces. The city dweller, surrounded by man-made buildings, streets, and elevators, and automobiles, operating smoothly on a man-made schedule, may have a less compelling sense of his utter dependence upon God than the farmer who watches the tender green shoots shrivel in drought or wash away in flood. In any event, all shared common tasks and common fears, and developed those common reactions which made the rural locality a true community.[38]
At the introduction of Christianity, since Tamil and Sinhala people in agricultural areas were generally settled with philosophies from Hinduism and Buddhism respectively, Christians were forced to exist outside the structures these Tamil Hindus and Sinhala Buddhists had created to face challenges faced by them in their surroundings. Under these conditions Christianity has been existing as a “member’s only club” in these agricultural areas. Perhaps this separation enhanced Christian minorities to exist as counter counters in these traditional agricultural areas in Sri Lanka. Ethnically these Christians often share the same views as their Tamil or Sinhala counterparts respectively. Occasionally these Christians were sympathetic towards the other ethnic groups as they met Christians of other ethnic groups in some religious gatherings.
It is very visible that relative deprivation has been playing its part in the ethno-religious making of Christians in Sri Lanka. As Sinhala Christians ethnically share Sinhalaness with Sinhala Buddhists they have been experiencing egoistic relative deprivation with the sense of feeling that they have been deprived of their rights in relation to other Sinhala people in the Sri Lankan society. This has been increasing in the recent past with anti-Christian activities such as the attacking of churches in some parts of Sri Lanka. This deprivation has been contributing to the widening of ethno religious category of Sinhala Christians in Sri Lanka.
In the case of Tamil Christians the abovementioned similar tendency has not been very visible in the recent past. For the past two decades at least Tamil Christians have not been having a strong sense of relative egoistic deprivation (although there were minor incidents between Tamil Hindus and Tamil Christians) in relation of Hindu Tamils in Sri Lanka. Perhaps the fact that Tamils are a minority and that they face similar issues as Tamil Hindus in Sri Lanka are contributory factors to this reality. At the same time the way in which some Tamil Christians are involved in the Tamil ethnic issues also may be another reason of this reality in the society.
On the common Christian identity Tamil Christians have been feeling relative deprivation in relation to their Sinhala counterparts. Although Tamil Christians identify with Sinhala Christians on a religious level since Sinhala Buddhists generally suspect all Tamils irrespective of their religious category, Sinhala Christians are often forced to make a choice to take the popular Sinhala side or popular Tamil side in the intense division on ethnic lines. Here often what has happened is that as Sinhala Christians share a common general culture, history and language with Sinhala Buddhists they are left with the option to identify with Sinhala Buddhists for their relatively safe survival.
Generally Christians as a group irrespective of ethnic affiliation (whether Sinhala, Tamil or Eurasians) have been having a sense of fraternalistic relative deprivation compared to the privileges enjoyed by the Sinhala Buddhists in Sri Lanka. The tensions between Christians and Sinhala Buddhists and proposed Anti-Conversion Bill to the Parliament have been intensifying this feeling in the recent past.
In his writings Ranaweera Banda has shown that although there is an assertion in the context of globalisation with the transnational tendencies that homogeneity would be promoted rather than heterogeneity, people in local areas have been trying to construct “distinct boundaries with imagined cultural identities” through their religious festivals.[39] This is visible in certain cases even among Christians. A strong example of this is the festivals at the Madu sanctuary of Christians, close to Mannar and the LTTE-controlled areas in Sri Lanka. Because this sanctuary has been important for Christians irrespective of ethnic associations to construct “distinct boundaries with imagined cultural identities” in the context of ethnic tension, this place of worship has become strategic for both the LTTE militants and government military. This was evident in the way in which government forces captured this sanctuary from LTTE control and announced that they had liberated this holy place from the LTTE clutches. This has created a confusing situation not only among Christians but also in the minds of others concerning the way in which this place is used as a place for important religious festivals.[40]
In the context of ethnic tension in Sri Lanka, theologies of Tamil and Sinhala Christians have been making both global and local impact. In this regard T. Fernando, a Sri Lankan immigrant in London, has noted,
Revd Father S. J. Emmanuel’s comparison of the LTTE leader Velupillai Prabakaran to Jesus Christ has generated a feeling of resentment among various sections of the Sri Lankan expatriate community living in London. They claim that such a statement is a sacrilege deserving condemnation by all Christians and co-religionists. They say that to compare ruthless terrorist - as described recently in the London Times as a remorseless megalomaniac - with the Great Redeemer venerated by millions throughout the world for his message of love and compassion to friends and foes alike is the greatest insult.[41]
Contemplating on the writings of S.J. Emmanuel, a Tamil Christian priest from Sri Lanka, some immigrants (especially some Sinhala people in the UK) have concluded that he was not critical enough of internal ethnic extremism in his respective ethnic category. Their complaint was that he has endorsed this ethnic extremism by supplying a theological premise for further divisive action with the blessing of at least a section of the Christian church.
At times people make use of certain happenings in their own way to make their case clear and coherent. The following statement in the aforementioned article on an action of Tissa Balasuriya, a Sinhala Christian priest from Sri Lanka, makes this point clear.
Father Balasuriya has been spearheading a campaign to settle the ethnic conflict by building bridges for peace and reconciliation. It is relevant to refer here to a well attended meeting held in London, a few years ago, where the audience comprised Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and Burgher expatriates settled in the UK. The Revd. Fr. Balasuriya did not whip up communal feelings¸ the group say; instead he appealed to those present to do whatever they could to bring peace to the war torn Sri Lanka. [42]
Here the writer had pointed out the goodness of a Sinhala Christian theologian comparing him with a Tamil counterpart. It is not certain whether Father Tissa wanted someone to interpret his action in this manner. However this occurrence shows how ethnic tendencies could be strengthened through Christian theologies intentionally or unintentionally.
Today in some situations such as in some urban areas, liberation theologies created in particular backgrounds are becoming less important in the society. The observation by Davie in the British context, “Believing without belonging,” is in some way becoming visible in Sri Lanka as well.[43] In this regard in Sri Lanka beliefs and belongings are shifting and changing. If you take Christians for instance, there are some Christians, especially in the urban areas, who keep their traditional identity with a mainline denomination such as Anglican or Methodist and attend the services and fellowships of new and charismatic churches. Here we see how old theologies are dying off and new relevant theologies are yet to be born. Today in this lacuna between dying off and yet to be born extremism of ethnic and fundamentalist theologies are competing each other to become effective among ordinary Christians in Sri Lanka. As Christians of this sort of behaviour keep on changing their identity and ideas it has been difficult to put them into categories to comprehend their ethnic relations for analysis.
“Disproportionate representation”[44] of Christians in Sri Lanka and in other countries is another important factor that has been having an effect on ethnoreligious line. In Sri Lanka, although the Christian percentage is about 7% of the total population, Christian representation is very visible in all professions and geographical areas in Sri Lanka. Perhaps the culture of education and the international associations with the knowledge of English that they inherited from their colonial forefathers more than the other ordinary people in Sri Lanka are the main factors for this reality. However this factor of Disproportionate representation has been creating egoistic relative deprivation in some Hindu Tamils and Sinhala Buddhists among Christian Tamils and Christian Sinhala people respectively. Even among immigrants in countries such as England, Tamil Christian and Sinhala Christian percentages are higher than the percentages of these ethno religious categories in Sri Lanka.[45]
Tamil Christians in the war torn areas such as the North and the East of Sri Lanka have mainly made two religious responses in order to come to terms with the volatile situation they are forced to live in. The first category has made efforts to bring the reflection of the realities of living conditions into their religious beliefs. Unsurprisingly, in these efforts ethnic beliefs have been intertwining with the new theologies that they have been creating in the mono ethnic context in which they have done these reflections.
The second category has chosen to “spiritualize” their intricate experiences in the context of war by disregarding the living realities. In this spiritualization they have often given a prominent place to their emotions rather than to intelligence. However this category has used less ethnic sentiments in their practice of the religion called Christianity. Although ecclesiastically they were careful to keep their distance with ethnic tendencies a few individuals of this group have been involved in the activities of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. Although there should be some connection with their faith and these activities, presently it is hard to analyse this with available literature.
Conclusion
This study shows that generally Christianity and ethnicity are influencing and reshaping each other, making a significant impact in the society. Through this research it is evident that this nexus between Christianity and ethnicity does not exist in a stereotype manner. In fact all the contextual realities have been playing a part in creating these multiplicity types of nexus between these two variables called Christianity and ethnicity. This study highlights the necessity to revisit the post colonial and modern processes such as inculturation and interfaith dialogue in this postmodern era to comprehend the unexpected effects of these developments on ethnic line that have become significant in the Sri Lankan society. Hence it could be suggested that it would be meaningful for Christians to have a paradigm shift from concepts such as indigenisation, inculturation and interfaith dialogue to contextualisation, which would enable them to wrestle with the realities that surrounded them. In this process the following definition given by Chandrakanthan on contextualization can be considered useful,
… that critical assessment of what makes the context really significant in the light of Missio Dei. It is the missiological discernment of the signs of the times, seeing where God is at work and calling us to participate in it. It is the conscientization of the contexts in the particular historic moment, assessing the peculiarity of the context in the light of the mission of the church as it is called to participate in Missio Dei. [46]
Here it can be observed that Chandrakanthan’s definition creates space to accommodate the issues raised and analysed here for Christians to be more realistic and benevolent in the Sri Lankan society.
Perhaps today it is vital for Christians to read the Bible with ethnic eyes in order to realize the necessity to grasp the so-called Christian gospel in a particular background. This would enable Christians to grapple with ethnicity, which is unavoidable in Sri Lankan society. This can be compared to the vaccine given through injections to prevent certain diseases. By giving a small dose of the disease the body creates immunity to fight the disease, and this protects the body from the disease. This has become necessary, as today in ordinary circumstances Christians are hardly aware of the implication of ethnicity on their religion, Christianity. One of the main reasons for this is that inside the institutional Christian Church, her theological and missiological claims generally give the impression that Christians are free from ethnic boundaries.
In this particular set up the reading of the Bible with ethnic eyes should be followed by the reconsideration of missiological concepts such as unity in diversity. When we talk about unity in diversity, we normally emphasise unity and create less space for diversity. On the other hand at times we stress diversity for the sake of diversity and this creates less space for unity. There is hardly any meeting point. Indigenisation and interfaith dialogue have been stressing unity as Sri Lankan Christians but resulted in diversity mainly as Sinhala and Tamil Christians, which has increased ethnocentrism among both Sinhala, and Tamil Christians. But it is high time to emphasise diversity with contextual realities to look for unity. Therefore here it is proposed that Christians embark on contextualisation with diversity in unity to be more realistic with empirical realties in Sri Lanka.
In relation to this study the diversity in unity can be started with the acknowledgement of ethnic diversity. This acknowledgement should not be confined to mere tolerance or compromise but this diversity should be celebrated unconditionally. This unconditional celebration would lead us to create a heterogeneous culture for unity. To foster this unity certain shifts and understandings are necessary. For instance the language called English, which was the colonial language of the British Empire, should be used as an international and a link language to bring various ethnic groups together in Sri Lanka. Steps should be taken to prevent people becoming slaves of English but to encourage them to use English as their servant. Theologically and sociologically English should be used to promote a heterogeneous set up rather than a homogeneous culture.
One of the dangerous things that could be promoted through diversity in unity is that people may think locally and try to act globally in this postmodern era. Here as a remedial measure Christians could be exposed to the global nature of the Christian Church to help them to think globally. This would facilitate them to avoid inward-looking, introvert and selfish tendencies. As a result Christians may be enhanced to think globally and act locally.
Hence this paper invites other researchers to embark on this issue of ethnicity and Christianity and to criticize, evaluate, analyse and promote the hypothesis presented on contextualisation and diversity in unity to enrich this academic arena.
z
[1] In this article the word “Christian” is used without any denominational association to identify Christians belonging to all denominations.
[2] Yang, F. & Ebaugh, H.E. ( 2001 Sept), ‘Religion and Ethnicity Among New Immigrants :The Impact of Majority/Minority Status in Home and Host Countries’, Journal for Scientific Study of Religion, 40:3 p.369 & Greeley A. M. (1971) Why Can’t They be Like Us? America’s White Ethnic Groups, New York:Praeger, USA.
[3] Mol, Hans (1979), The Identity Model of Religion: How It Compares with Nine Other Theories of Religion and How It Might Apply to Japan, March–June 1979, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies.
[4] Lett, J. (1996), Emic/Etic Distinctions, Professor James Lett’s Faculty WebPage, Florida Atlantic University,
[5] Ibid
[6] There are some archaeological artefacts and literature which suggest that there were some Christian influences in Sri Lanka before the arrival of the Portuguese in the 16th century. The artefacts are a Nestorian cross most probably belonging to 5th or 6th century, which was unearthed in 1912 in Anuradhapura, the Ancient Kingdom of Sri Lanka, and presently kept at Anuradhapura museum, and a Baptismal font excavated in Mannar, which is presently kept at Vaunia museum in Sri Lanka. Two literary evidences are a book called “Christian topography” written in Greek by a person called Cosmos in the 6th century where he records the existence of a Christian church and a community in Sri Lanka in the 6th century and an account of a minister called Migara from India in the 6th century (in the Chulawamsa, the Supplement of the Sinhala great chronicle Mahavamsa). According to the first Sri Lankan archaeological commissioner of Sri Lanka, S. Paranavitarana, this minister Migara was a Christian who tried to spread Christianity in Sri Lanka.
Ref:- Geiger, Wilhelm (Translator),(1953), Culavamsa, Volume I, The Ceylon Government Information Department, Colombo, p.43
Somaratna, G. P. V. (1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala), Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda, p.2 [Quotation is from – Paranavitarana, S. (1972), Story of Sigiri , Colombo, pp 45-46.]
Perera, S.G. (1962), Historical Sketches(Ceylon Church History),The Literature Committee, Colombo Catholic Diocesan Union, Colombo,pp.9-10 [Quotation from Migne Patrol Grae, Vol.88: J.W. McCrindle, The Christian Topography.]
[7] Somaratna, G. P. V. (1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[8] Somaratna, G. P. V. (1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[9] Somaratna, G. P. V. (1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[10] Obeyesekere, G. (1979), Collective Identities, Nationalism and Protest in Modern Sri Lanka, Edited by Roberts, M., Marga Institute, 61, Isipatana Mawatha, Colombo 5, Sri Lanka, p. 311.
[11] Bond, G. D. (1988), The Buddhist Revival in Sri Lanka, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi, p.45.
[12] Obeyesekere, G. (1970), Religious Symbolism and Political Change in Ceylon Vol.I, No. I, Sri Lanka, pp 43-46.
[13] Fernando, W.W.M.W.D.K (2001), Integrity and Integration of Christian Community in Sri Lanka – A Sociological Analysis, Unpublished thesis, University of Ruhuna, Sri Lanka.
[14] Horton P.B. & Hunt C.L. (1964), Sociology, McGraw–Hill Book Company, London. pp.84 & 85
[15] Bartholomeusz, T. J. & De Silva, C. R. (Eds), (1998), Buddhist Fundamentalism and Minority Identities in Sri Lanka, State University of New York Press, Albany, NY,
[16] Yang, F. & Ebaugh, H.E. ( 2001 Sept), ‘Religion and Ethnicity Among New Immigrants :The Impact of Majority/Minority Status in Home and Host Countries’, Journal for Scientific Study of Religion, 40:3 p.369.
[17] Fernando, W.W.M.W.D.K.(2005) Religion and Identity : Comparing Sinhala Buddhists and Christians in and around London, Unpublished thesis, University of Kent, UK.
[18] Mol, Hans (1979), The Identity Model of Religion: How It Compares with Nine Other Theories of Religion and How It Might Apply to Japan, March–June 1979, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies.
[19] Dion, K. L. (2002), The Social Psychology of Perceived Prejudice and Discrimination. American Psychological Association, 43 (1),pp.1–10
[20] Palmer, L. P. (1996), Determinants of Canadian Attitudes Toward Immigration: More than Just Racism?, Canadian Journal of Behavioral Science, p. 28
[21] Vaughan, G. M., & Hogg, M. A. (2002), Introduction to Social Psychology (3rd edition), Prentice Hall, Sydney
[22] Dion, K. L. (2002), The Social Psychology of Perceived Prejudice and Discrimination, American Psychological Association, 43 (1),pp.1–10
[23] Kimon, H. Sargeant (2001), Religion and New Immigrant, The Pew Charitable Trusts,
< http://newimmigrant_hlt18558457s.org/classroom/research/sargeant-06082001.php3="">
[24] Warner, R. S. (2000), The New Immigrant Religion: An Update and Appraisal, Department of Sociology, University of Illinois at Chicago, http://www.newschool.edu/icmec/nwsltr52.html>
& Kimon, H. Sargeant (2001), Religion and New Immigrant, The Pew Charitable Trusts
< http://newimmigrants.org/classroom/research/sargeant-06082001.php3="">
[25] Holtorf, C. (1996), The Invention of Tradition, <>https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/citd/holtorf/6.3.html >
[26] Hobsbawm, Eric (1983) Introduction: Inventing Tradition. In: Hobsbawm and Ranger, pp. 5-8.
[27] Chandrakanthan, A.J.V. (1995), Catholic Revival in Post-Colonial Sri Lanka, Social and Economic Development Centre Colombo, Sri Lanka.
[31] Hobsbawm, Eric (1983) Introduction: Inventing Tradition, Hobsbawm and Ranger, pp. 5-8.
[32] SuryaSena D.(1978) OF SRI LANKA I SING, Ranco Printers & Publishers Limited, Galle Road, Colombo 8, pp. 66-69
[33] Chandrakanthan, A.J.V. (1995), Catholic Revival in Post-Colonial Sri Lanka, Social and Economic Development Centre Colombo, Sri Lanka.
[34] Fernando, T. (1997), Father Emmanuel’s Comparison of Prabakaran to Jesus Christ is a Sacrilege, London Diary,
[35] de Silva, L. (1980), Buddhism : Beliefs and Practices in Sri Lanka, Ecumenical Institute, 490/5, Havelock Road, Colombo 6, Sri Lanka , p.63.
[36] Fernando, W.W.M.W.D.K (2001), Integrity and Integration of Christian Community in Sri Lanka – A Sociological Analysis, Unpublished thesis, University of Ruhuna, Sri Lanka.
[37] Fernando, W.W.M.W.D.K. (2005) Religion and Identity : Comparing Sinhala Buddhists and Christians in and around London, Unpublished thesis, University of Kent, UK.
[38] Horton P.B. & Hunt C.L. (1964), Sociology, McGraw–Hill Book Company London. p.456
[39] Ranaweera Banda (2006), Boundaries and identities: construction of identities through religious festivals (article), Department of Sociology, University of Ruhuna, Matara, Sri Lanka
[40] http://www.lankanewspapers.com/news/2007/3/13290_space.html
[41] Fernando, T. (1997), Father Emmanuel’s Comparison of Prabakaran to Jesus Christ is a Sacrilege, London Diary,
[42] Ibid
[43] Davie, G. (1994), Religion in Britain Since 1945: Believing Without Belonging, Blackwell, Oxford University Press, UK.
[44] Warner, R. S. (2000), The New Immigrant Religion: An Update and Appraisal, Department of Sociology, University of Illinois at Chicago, http://www.newschool.edu/icmec/nwsltr52.html>
& Kimon, H. Sargeant (2001), Religion and New Immigrant, The Pew Charitable Trusts
< http://newimmigrants.org/classroom/research/sargeant-06082001.php3="">
[45] Fernando, W.W.M.W.D.K. (2005) Religion and Identity : Comparing Sinhala Buddhists and Christians in and around London, Unpublished thesis, University of Kent, UK.
[46] Chandrakanthan, A.J.V. (1995), Catholic Revival in Post-Colonial Sri Lanka, Social and Economic Development Centre, Colombo, Sri Lanka, p.13.
Christians in Sr Lanka
Crisis of languages
A language is a system of verbal and written symbols, with rules for putting them together. It is impossible to overestimate the importance of language in the development, elaboration, and transmission of culture. Language enables people to store meanings and experiences and to pass this heritage on to new generations……..
The study of different langu...ages has yielded numerous insights into culture. For example, the number of words available to describe an object, event, or concept in a language indicates how important it is to a people. Arabs, for example, have hundreds of words to describe camels….
When the first colonial power, namely the Portuguese, arrived in Sri Lanka, there were three major religions being practised by the people of this land. At that time each religion was identified with a language. Buddhists identified themselves with Sinhala, Hindus identified themselves with Tamil, and although many Muslims spoke Tamil they identified themselves with their heavenly language, Arabic.
When the Portuguese introduced Christianity to Sri Lanka there was no such identity with one language. Yet in the Sri Lankan context of each religion identifying with a particular language Christianity was identified with Portuguese. During the Dutch era identification was shifted towards the Dutch language, and when the British took over the whole island, more than the earlier colonial powers had done, Christianity was identified with the English language. This identification came from two sides. People in Sri Lanka identified Christianity with English. At the same time those who became Christians in order to gain power and privileges also identified Christianity with English. As a result, although there were many Sri Lankan Christians during the British era who were not fluent in English, the powerful Christians did not allow a change in the Christian identity with English. When a community is brought up in a particular language that language influences them in many ways. For example, the tenses used to denote time differ from one language to another. Regarding this, D. Light Jr. and S. Keller have noted,
“There are no tenses in the Hopi language, as there are in English, and no nouns for times, days, or years. As a result, the Hopi tend to think in terms of continuous movement, of becoming. In contrast, the English language provides numerous ways of marking or counting time, as if hours and days were things or objects. The necessity to choose one of several tenses makes English-speaking people acutely conscious of time and time passing. English-speaking people think of linear progressions. ”
Where the Tamil and Sinhala languages are concerned, Sinhala- and Tamil-speaking people do not think of linear progressions. Instead they think in cyclic progressions, mainly because of the influence of agriculture on the language. The Sinhala and Tamil languages are greatly shaped by the cyclic seasons of the agricultural year. In this regard English-speaking people, thinking in linear progression, found it difficult to understand and accommodate Sinhala- and Tamil-speaking Christian people who are accustomed to a cyclic nature in their activities.
This became one of the main contributory factors for Sinhala- and Tamil-speaking Christians not getting involved in the decision-making process of the Christian Church. Even when Sinhala and Tamil were used these languages were given the secondary or subordinate place. Often Sinhala services were held only for the domestic servants of the rich Christians. Consequently within the Church English gained the unofficial status of being the heavenly language. This state of affairs did not change much even after political independence. English continues to dominate the matters of the Church.
Within the Christian Church, the use of English is not just for communication; it is a way of showing one’s status of life. This has given some members of the Church psychological satisfaction in living in the post-colonial era. This is seen clearly in the fact that some local congregations still use Victorian English with Oxford pronunciation in their liturgies. In the light of the above, even though Sinhala and Tamil are widely used in the affairs of the Church today, they don’t have enough prominence to influence the central matters of the Church.
After Independence there were number of practical reasons why the use of English was retained in the central government of the Church. The church is comprised of both the Sinhala and Tamil people of Sri Lanka. When they come together, apart from a small minority from both communities, they are not competent in each other’s languages. This is worse among Christians who belong to the Sinhala ethnic group. Most of the Sinhala and Tamil Christians who in the decision-making bodies of the Christian church have a considerable knowledge of English.
Even today such Christians prefer to use English as a practical means of coming together, but they are almost ignorant of the fact that by this they exclude poor Christians from both communities who are confined to their respective language. Christians who speak only Sinhala or Tamil become objects of pity within the church. Most of the people who are fluent in only one language are poor people who belong to the less-privileged sector of our country.
After the 1970s, with the arrival of the open or market economy, the English language once again became an integral aspect of the day-to-day matters of Sri Lanka. Advances in modern technology and communication have made English more and more important. The migration of Sri Lankans to Middle Eastern and European countries for employment has raised the demand for fluency in the English language among the ordinary people of this land. Globalisation and the affairs of the whole world coming closer to each other have improved the importance of the international languages.
It is natural, therefore, that the use of the international language most closely linked with Sri Lanka, English, is becoming wide-spread as a necessity of the day. Considering the emphasis on English in the present realities of Sri Lanka, the Christian church, which was always closely associated with the English language, benefits from the present state of affairs, which has once again given the Christian church an important place with regard to English. In the light of the above importance of English there is a clear phenomenon of some common people drawing closer to the Christian Church in order to improve their English. It is important to note that this mostly happens either in urban areas or in the urbanising areas of Sri Lanka.
With regard to the language issue, even when Sinhala and Tamil are used in the Christian Church there’s a remarkable difference in the use of these two languages by the Christian Church and by the ordinary people of Sri Lanka. For instance, the Sinhala word anugrahaya is used by ordinary people in Sri Lanka to mean a favour given by someone in society. However, for the Christians in Moratuwa it means the “grace of God” which is necessary for human existence. This shift in meaning is mainly due to the fact that when the foreign Christian missionaries introduced Christianity to the common people, they firmly believed that the demonic elements of the local languages should be removed in order to use these languages to express the Christian faith.
The especially meaningful words used by the Sinhala and the Tamil people came from the background of Buddhism and Hinduism. According to the foreign Christian missionaries these meaningful words were therefore demonic, and local Christians were advised to rid their vocabulary of such words. That is why even today there is a considerable group of Christians who think that it goes against the faith of Christians to use the same words popularly used by Buddhists and Hindus. For example, some Christians in Moratuwa reject Sinhala words such as Maittri (compassionate love) or Vimukti (salvation or liberation).