OBJECTIVE
To foster peace and harmony among various ethnic and religious groups through my academic, pastoral and administrative strengths, experiences and abilities to create a better future for the citizens of the world
Academic background
Doctor of Divinity(Hon DD)- Sociology of Religion with Theological implications and repercussions
17 May 2022
St Andrew's Theological University - India
Ethnographic research with a thesis on "Creation & Recreation of Identities"
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)-(Theology & Sociology of Religion) 2005, University of Kent, UK
Followed & completed the “Foundation Course for Part Time Youth and Community Workers” in Kent county Council. UK – 2002
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)-(Sociology with theological implications) 2001, University of Ruhuna, Sri Lanka
Bachelor of Divinity (BD) 1993, University of Serampore, India. (Theology Postgraduate study of three years)
Bachelor of Theology(BTh) 1989, University of Serampore, India
College Diploma (1985-1989) – Theological Education and Formation - Theological College of Lanka, Pilimatalawa, Sri Lanka
The Engineering Council , London. UK. Part I examination – May 1984 – Credited with passes in following subjects
(201) - Mathematics (203) - Properties of Materials - (208) - Thermodynamics
ඉහලින් තල් ගසින් පෝෂණය උන
පහලින් පොල් ගස කප් රුකක් උන
මැද කඳුකරේ තේ වලින් සශ්රීක උන
මේ දිවයිනේ කොස් ගස බත් ගසක් උන
[ A free English translation :-
Fed by palm trees above
Below coconut trees are a treasure
Fertile tea in the central hills
The jackfruit is a rice tree in this island]
Ecclesiastical Experiences
Archdeacon of Nuwara Eliya - Diocese of Colombo
2016 - 2018
i. Vicar – St. Francis of Assisi, Mt. Lavinia
2015 – 2017
ii. Chair – Interfaith Desk of the Diocese of Colombo
2010 -2015
iii. Chaplain – St. John’s Home, Moratuwa, Sri Lanka ( A girl’s home and a children’s centre managed by the Sisters of St. Margaret (SSM) )
2011 – 2015
iv. Area Dean - Moratuwa and environs
2012 – 2015
v. Incumbent - Holy Emmanuel Church, Moratuwa with St. Paul’s ChurchMoratumulla, St. Michael and All Angel’s Church, Willorawatte, Church of the Healing Christ, Kadalana, and Anglican Church at Uyana.
2011 -2015
( < www.holyemmanuelchurch.com=""> )
vi. Examining Chaplain – Diocese of Colombo – to date
vii. Member – “ Priests” clergy choir of the Diocese of Colombo - Through this choir of 6 clergypersons we have been promoting Gospel values. My interest in music and singing has promoted discipleship among various people – to date
viii. Pastoral experience in the parish of Christ Church, Mutwal ( former Cathedral of the Diocese of Colombo) and missions
2010 March to 2011 Jan
ix. Have experience of pastoral ministry in the following parishes/institutions in Sri Lanka
1. Ratmeewala 2. Wattegama 3.Gampola 4.Gatamge 5. Peradeniya training colony Chapel 6. University of Peradeniya Chapel
1996 Jan – 2010 March
x. Sri Lankan representative of the NIFCON (Network for Inter Faith Concerns)
2006 to date
xi. Licence to officiate in the Diocese of Kurunagala, Sri Lanka
1996 – 2010
xii. Director – Fulltime Lay workers of the Diocese of Colombo
2006-2009
xiii. Licence to officiate in the Diocese of Canterbury. UK. (PTO)
2002 – 2007
xiv. Worked for the Whitstable Team Ministry in the Diocese of Canterbury.UK
2001 – 2005
xv. Anglican minister in the Diocese of Colombo
1989 – to date
xvi Member, Ministerial Advisory Committee, Diocese of Colombo
1996- 2001 & 2005 – 2010
xvii. Chaplain, Denipitiya Medical Mission, Sri Lanka.
1993-1996
xviii. Chaplain, Hillwood College, Kandy, Sri Lanka.( An Anglican College started by CMS missionaries in 1890 )
1999- 2001
xix. Youth Chaplain, Southern Deanery of Sri Lanka.
1993- 1996
xx. Vicar, Church of the Ascension, Matara, Sri Lanka.
1993-1996
xxi. Assistant Curate, All Saints Church, Galle, Sri Lanka.
1992
xxii. Assistant Curate, St. Marks Church, Badulla, Sri Lanka.
1989-1991
~ The cross of the Diocese of Kurunagala is a replica of the 6th century Nestorian cross unearthed from the ancient Kingdom of Anuradhapura in the North Central Province of Sri Lanka ~
● Top part of the Cross – Palmyra palm wood from the North of Sri Lanka # Bottom part of the cross – coconut wood from the South of Sri Lanka# Middle part – Tea wood from the central hills of Sri Lanka # Bottom base – Jak wood grown in all parts of Sri Lanka●
< the="" self-giving="" love="" of="" the="" cross="" embraces="" all="" cultures="" of="" sri="" lanka="">
E mail frkeerthi@gmail.com - Personal
Content......
1. Insufficiency of mere "dialogue" for the 21st century
2. Religious conversion - A reflection
3. Ethno-religious identities in the global village
4. “English” in Sri Lanka
5. Minority Christian Identity in the Context of Majority Buddhist Identity in Sri Lanka
6. WISDOM STORIES FROM RELIGIONS
7. INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
8. Sinhala Buddhists and Christians
9. The future of Tamil people in Sri Lanka - 2009
10. Call for Moral Passover from Babel to Pentecost
11. “Xenophilia”
12. Significance and Derivation of Christmas
INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
As the concept called interfaith dialogue has been around for well over half a century it is high time to evaluate the effect of this notion in society. It is not a coincidence that this concept came into being as a post colonial and post Second World War reality in the context of the loss of the Western colonial power in Asian countries such as India and Sri Lanka.
A closer look at interfaith dialogue reveals that it was mainly the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian church who initiated this process. This group was ethnically composed of Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasian people along with some Europeans. This shows that for these people interfaith dialogue was a binding factor irrespective of their ethnic affiliations. One may assume that they came together for this process because of their common faith of Christianity. However to have a sound coherent understanding of this issue it is necessary to look into other factors that made them interested to commence this process called interfaith dialogue.
It is not a secret that this category called the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian Church was well established, having social and political power under British colonial rule. Under the British this power was cemented by their Christianity (especially the Anglican branch of the Christian Church). However, when colonial rule ended they lost this prime position that they had had through their faith. Not only this particular elite of the Christian church in Sri Lanka and Asia but also the Western colonial powers had to comprehend the bitter reality that Christianity was more of a hindrance rather than an assistance to keep some grip on their former colonies. Here the possible effective and evident alternative was “interfaith” rather than “Christianity.” In this process it is very intriguing to note that what they inaugurated with “interfaith” was not a “relationship” but a “dialogue.”
After more than five decades it is very apparent that the positive effect of this process is very minimal among the common people in the pews of the Christian church. Instead we can observe a very negative resistance to this dialogue by many Christians in Sri Lanka. Here it is necessary to look into this phenomenon to evaluate the effect of this concept in society.
This process took ethnicity and other grass root realities such as poverty and identity created through religion into minimum consideration. Therefore for ordinary Christians this process did not become very meaningful as a living experience. Also many ordinary Christians were frightened by what is called “syncretism,” where they believed that Christian faith would be watered down through this process called interfaith dialogue. For this reason the response especially of Charismatic and evangelical Christians to interfaith dialogue has been very pessimistic and negative.
However the fact cannot be ignored that to live in harmony we have to live together as sisters and brothers irrespective of our various identities (religious, ethnic, cultural, etc.) which are decisive in creating meaningful boundaries to feel secure in society. But the aforementioned analysis reveals that the process called interfaith dialogue has not been meaningful or powerful enough to promote and instigate this effective harmonious living in our society.
In this context what is necessary is to fashion a situation where people could reduce xenophobia, which is fear of the encounter of strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena faced by various groups in society. To responded to this situation it can be proposed that it is appropriate to introduce a progression which could be called “ xenophilia” where people are encouraged to formulate positive healthy relationships with so-called strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena by crossing one’s own boundary. This process could create space for each community to wrestle with its own issues rather than handling their concerns in a structure created by somebody else to meet their own ends.
2.
Religious conversions
A reflection
Religious conversion is a controversial issue often debated in Sri Lanka. Apart from inflammatory writing and argument there have been cases of physical assault, maybe with the intention of preventing a conversion. I believe we first need a proper understanding of why anyone should seek to change from one religion to another - if not from a genuine spiritual conviction. A common allegation, if not the only one, is that many have been converted for the sake of money and material wealth. (I have met people who come into this category.) Why would anyone change their faith for a material motive? When people in real material need get support from individuals or groups they may feel it is good to identify themselves with those who are willing to support them. This is a natural human response, and I believe every human being has the right to do this. Yet I also strongly believe it is the responsibility of people who help the needy not to encourage them to change their religion just for money or material things.
Can we really call such a change a 'religious' conversion? I have doubts about this from experience of living in Sri Lanka. Some who are of this mind and purpose keep moving from place to place to get support here and there and so overcome their material difficulties. However, as they don’t remain in one place for long there's hardy anything 'religious' in their conversion. Some others who have been given material support identify with those who helped them - for a time - but when they realise they can get no more help they gradually dissociate themselves from those who supported them. It's clear that people who try to change their religious identity for material needs often fail to keep their new faith when they cease to get help.
Does this imply that there are no true religious conversions? Not at all. But if we want a proper understanding of these conversions, first we should understand the reality of change. It is a fact that whether we like it or not we all keep on changing. This is well explained in the Buddhist concepts of Dukkha, Anicca and Anatta. Some people change their identities due to various social reasons within their community. When people are not accepted and respected in a community they seek to change their identity. They may change religions to gain more acceptance and respect and to feel comfortable within the community. Others who face a crisis such as sickness change their beliefs to get blessings and healing and overcome the problem they are faced with. Some others aim to change their social class by changing their religion and settling in the new class they have chosen. Many other reasons can be given for religious conversions within a society.
In Sri Lanka in particular there is a need for a practical solution to overcome the tension between various religions. Here I would like to suggest a method that I adopted in various parts of the country - to handle religious conversions in consultation with religious leaders of the community. When someone expresses a wish to change their religion they could be counselled by a leader of the faith they presently belong to and also a leader of the faith they wish to embrace. This kind of understanding is specially important in areas which are, in the main, traditionally of one faith.
I believe that if this strategy could be adopted in Sri Lanka it would help to strengthen understanding between different religions when faced with the issues of religious conversions.
3.
Ethno-religious identities in the global village
In this 21st century people all over the world have become aware of how far away places are being brought closer together into a so-called ‘global village’. This trend is enhanced by modern communication and transport systems such as the Internet, e-mail. high- speed trains and planes. The phenomenon of the global village makes it necessary to understand how local adaptation is often coloured by ancient ethno-religious identities. . Today people of various ethnic and religious groups live closer to each other than in past centuries and there is a general expectation that they will gradually forget their identities within the melting pot of the global village. Often this expectation is fuelled by countries who are stand most to benefit from globalism.
It is natural for countries and communities who are potential losers in the global movement to seek ways of regaining the lost power and prestige that globalism brings. With the threat of losing so much they have only their ethnic and religious identities as a basis for coming together to regain what they have lost. The question may be asked as to why they focus on ethno-religious identities rather than political systems which could help them fight to regain what they have lost in the global economy. But political systems often have to go along with global tendencies for their survival and people are reluctant to resist or work to prevent policies implemented by the most powerful countries of the world.
Many so-called Third World countries have been reviving their ethno-religious identities politically - at times with extreme tendencies - as a response to global tendencies. Often they have taken an anti-western stance in response to the centralisation of global powers in the west. These ethno-religious identities are becoming further strengthened as a result of the western standardisation of such aspects of human life as materialism, cultures and political systems where some minorities are even faced with actual extinction.
Nor can we overlook the way in which ethno-religious identities were used by nations in the 20th century to gain independence from western colonial rule. The fresh memories of these struggles for independence have encouraged peoples in Third World countries to use their ethno-religious identities once again to fight the forces, which threaten their very existence in the world.
Is it not, therefore, the responsibility of the western world to be sensitive to the ethno- religious identities of poorer nations and to avoid the extreme steps taken by some groups in those countries? Otherwise it will be difficult to prevent the expansion of groups, which threaten peace throughout the world. If the current tendency of rich countries to become richer while poor countries become poorer is not checked it will be hard to stop people in poorer countries taking extreme steps - feeling they have nothing to lose.
4.
“English” in Sri Lanka
The word “ English” could mean many things to people in Sri Lanka. Whatever the meaning the very word “ English” frightens many Sinhala and Tamil educated people who have little knowledge of English culture and language. The environment created by the English educated elite mainly causes this Anglophobia in Sri Lanka.
Today some influential English educated people in Sri Lanka live in a fantasy world and try to emphasis the “Oxford” or “BBC” English as the correct and accurate English, which should be used in Sri Lanka. In a way these people are trying to keep colonial Victorian English alive with an emotional attachment to this type of the language which made them, or their relations, masters of other Sri Lankans under colonial rule. What they have not realised is the fact that today, even in the “Oxford” or “BBC” type language culture in the UK, it is hard to show an homogeneous type of the English language or pronunciation as, for example: the BBC particularly tries now to function as an area in which people with a wider variety of regional accents and with language structures from all over the world are included. Not only in these areas but also in many parts of the world, with the influence of globalisation, people are using English in a multiplicity of ways for communication.
The culture that these English educated elites have created in emphasising so called “ Oxford” or “BBC” English” has been humiliating many Sinhala and Tamil educated people, giving the impressing that they are “fools” or “uneducated” in Sri Lanka. Often these English educated elites suffer from “ teacher mentality” and keep on correcting the little English used by Sinhala and Tamil educated people to show their authority over them. It is the responsibility of Sinhala and Tamil educated people to take measures to prevent this teacher mentality to allow the majority of the population to learn English without undue pressures in the society. Sinhala and Tamil educated people should not be misled by these elites as they come from the same tradition as the people who stressed -after independence (specially after 1956) - that Sinhala and Tamil are enough for Sri Lankans.
In a country like Sri Lanka it is useful to stress English in two different ways. First of all it is the link language that is used to bring together various ethnic groups in Sri Lanka. Secondly English is the best international language to enable all Sri Lankans to widen their horizons in order to gain exposure to the rest of the world. The best example for this type of usage of English is found in our only immediate neighbour and big sister India.
In this situation it is high time for Sri Lankans to promote English for communication with basic grammar and a clear understandable accent and to eradicate the elite approach of keeping English as a way of life for their superiority survival.
5.
Minority Christian Identity in the Context of Majority Buddhist Identity in Sri Lanka
Introduction, Scope of Study and Method
In this short paper it is expected to examine the identity issues of Christian minority in the surroundings of Buddhist majority in Sri Lanka. This is done by considering sociological realities connected to Buddhist and Christian identity with theological inputs that have been necessarily associated with the identities of these world religions. Hence this paper highlights theological issues as long as they are empirically intertwined with the identity concerns of the people of these two scripture-based religions in Sri Lanka.
Although this study mainly discusses the issue of Christians in the context of Sinhala Buddhism, to enhance the scope of this research other realities such as Tamil ethnic presence are taken into consideration appropriately. Through scrutiny an effort is made to investigate the possibilities of contributing to ethno-religious harmony in Sri Lanka by understanding the identity of Christians in the bosom of Buddhism. Yet it is not the intention of this paper to have an extensive analysis of the Buddhist and Christian communities and post-war situation in Sri Lanka.
This brief research is done by placing Sri Lankan context in the global realities and research appropriately. The substance of this paper is obtained from the written literature and the living experience of the writer of this research. Other necessary information and views have been accessed from the writer’s previous research of similar vein in Sri Lanka and the UK.
A very brief introduction to the social history of the Christian community in Sri Lanka
In Sri Lanka Buddhism is the majority religion (69%) and Christianity is one of the minority religions (7.6%) of the people of this land. Although almost all the native Buddhists in Sri Lanka are Sinhala people the reverse is not the case. About 4% out of the 7.6% Christian minority are Sinhala. Approximately 3.6% are of Tamil ethnic origin. [1]
The continuous existence of the present day Christian community in Sri Lanka can be traced to the arrival of the Portuguese at the beginning of the 16th century. This was followed by the Dutch in 1658 CE and then the British in the year 1796 CE. The Portuguese introduced Roman Catholicism while the Dutch established the Dutch Reformed Church, and under the British colonial rule many so-called Protestant denominations such as Methodist and Baptist were initiated along with the religion of the colony called the Anglican denomination.
Although all these colonial powers protected and used their brands of Christian denominations for their own benefit to run the colony, there are some unique features which need to be recognised to create the background for the present research. The Portuguese were involved in mass conversion and used many visual aids and symbols in proclaiming Roman Catholicism. Their priests were celibates and did not depend on the salary from the colonial government. They led a simple life and got involved with the common people in their everyday activities. The Dutch introduced the Dutch Reformed Church by prohibiting all the other religions including Roman Catholicism. They were particularly against Roman Catholicism as the Dutch belonged to the reformed camp who were against the Roman Catholics whose head was the Bishop of Rome (the Pope). Under these circumstances the Portuguese persecuted the Roman Catholics, which created pandemonium among the Roman Catholics in Sri Lanka. The British allowed the flow of many denominations and gave religious freedom to all religions, although special privileges were granted to the Anglican Church. [2]
In 1948, after political independence, Christians lost the many privileged positions that they enjoyed under the colonial regime. Under these circumstances some Christian denominations initiated processes such as indigenisation and inculturation to face the challenges of the postcolonial era. Generally until the mid 1970s the foreign contacts of the Christians were very much restricted. After that time, with the introduction of the market economy in the context of so-called globalisation, once again Christians were able to have a close connection with their foreign counterparts. In this background many new Christian denominations have been introduced to Sri Lanka.
The Problem
The main problem unearthed by this research paper is identified as the tension between universality and particularity of two major religions existing in an island nation called Sri Lanka at the southern tip of India. To understand this problem the following explanation presented by Gunasekara, explaining the characteristics of a universal religion, can be considered useful.
Universality of Principle. There must be nothing in the basic beliefs of the religion that confine it to a particular nation, race or ethnic group. Thus if there is a notion of a "chosen people" then this characteristic is violated.
Non-Exclusiveness of Membership. Any person could be an adherent of the religion concerned, and be entitled to the same privileges and obligations as every other person. This of course does not require every follower of the religion to be of the same level of achievement, but only that some external factor like race or caste prevents individuals from full participation in the religion.
Wide Geographical dispersion. The religion must have demonstrated an ability to find followers amongst a variety of nations or ethnic groups. Thus even if a religion satisfies the first two requirements but has not been able to spread beyond its region of origin it may not qualify to be a universal religion. Thus Jainism is not generally regarded as a universal although its principles are universal in scope and it is non-exclusive.
Non-Exclusiveness of Language. The practices of the religion which require verbal communication should be capable of being done in any language. The authoritative version of its basic texts may be maintained in the original language in which the original expositions were given, but translations of these should be valid, provided that they preserve the sense of the original texts.
Independence of Specific Cultural Practices. The practices of the religion should be free from the cultural practices of a particular group in such matters as food, dress, seating, etc.
Each one of these criteria raise problems but they have to be satisfied to a significant extent if the religion is to be deemed a universal one.[3]
Although in Sri Lanka these two religions, Christianity and Buddhism, basically endeavour to abide by these factors, in creating the identities of the adherents they have the tendency to shift from these features. Dynamics of this inclination create a variety of issues integrally connected to the identities of these religious categories. Hence through this paper it is expected to elaborate this phenomenon to contribute to the area of this research.
Basic Theoretical Framework
The nexus between ethnicity and religion is the foundation of the theoretical framework of this paper. This is done by taking precedence from the theory created by Yang and Ebaugh from their extensive research done on this subject. According to these two scholars the nexus between ethnicity and religion can be identified in three main categories. They are the “ethnic fusion” in which religion is considered as the foundation of ethnicity, “ethnic religion” where religion is one of the many foundations of ethnicity, and thirdly “religious ethnicity” in which case an ethnic group is associated with a particular religion shared by other ethnic groups. [4] This framework in enriched by the theory presented by Hans Mol and others on boundary maintenance and change handling of the religious groups. [5] This is done to examine the creation and recreation of Christian identity in the context of dynamic Buddhist identity in Sri Lanka.
An Analysis
In a country like Sri Lanka, where beliefs and philosophies are taken seriously, in all endeavours, these aspects play a vital role in determining behaviour patterns of people in society. In this background it is indisputable that these features have been an integral part of the happenings in Sri Lanka. Hence folk beliefs and organised religious beliefs amalgamated with ethnicities have become the key factors in both fuelling tension and also showing the capacity to reduce tension to have a better understanding of each other in society.
Up to the present day Buddhism has existed for almost 22 centuries in Sri Lanka. Along with Buddhism, rituals, ceremonies and practices connected to Hindu religiosity have been surviving in this island land. As Middle Eastern and South Indian traders have been visiting Sri Lanka for a very long time, with the rise of Islam in the seventh century, gradually Islam also was established in Sri Lanka.
Beginning from the 16th century with the introduction of Christianity under the colonial regime, the well-established Buddhist identity has been undergoing drastic changes in Sri Lanka. To face the challenges posed by the colonial powers Buddhists have progressively been strengthening their identity on ethno-religious lines. This process, which began as a colonial reality, has been developing in many directions to recreate the denied honour of the Sinhala Buddhist under colonial rule.
Sociologically speaking, Buddhist revivalists came to have a “love-hate” relationship with the Christians, which became prominent after mid 19th century. Bond has explained this in the following manner.
Protestant Buddhism the response of the early reformers who began the revival by both reacting against and imitating Christianity……….[6]
In this process Buddhist revivalists started establishments such as schools and organisations by adopting and adjusting the structures of the Protestant church. Buddhist worship, rituals and ceremonies went through drastic changes. For instance, Buddhists revivalists started Buddhist carols or Bhakthi Gee by adapting the form of Christian carols.
On the other hand, after political independence in 1948 CE, Christians have been trying to become effective by adopting, adjusting and adapting many phenomena from the Buddhist philosophy and culture in Sri Lanka. These are aspects such as church architecture, music and cultural symbols from the traditional Buddhist context in this country.
After political independence in 1948 CE, slowly but steadily the majority Buddhists have been strengthening their identity with the Sinhala ethnicity. Over the years the consciousness of Buddhists as the chosen people of the soil and of Buddhism as the foundation of their Sinhala ethnicity have been increasing, creating many decisive issues in Sri Lanka. This has contributed towards the creation of an identity crisis for Sinhala Christians who do not share the same philosophy, although they share many cultural elements with Sinhala Buddhists in Sri Lanka.
The encounter of Buddhism and Christianity over five centuries have been a theologising experience for both these religions in Sri Lanka. However, the very word “theology” in Christianity has raised many issues for Buddhists who believe in a religion where God or gods are not at the centre of their faith. Regarding this Smart has noted,
The thought that you could have a religion which did not in any straight sense believe in God was a novel thought in the West and still has hardly been digested.[7]
Sinhala Buddhists in Sri Lanka have been strengthening this position to claim that the saving power according to Buddhism is within human beings without necessarily getting assistance from any supernatural entity. [8] Davies has explained this in the following manner,
deepest kind of mystical experience and quest can exist independently of theism…[9]
This belief at times directly and indirectly has been used to counteract Christianity in which theologically God is the centre of all realities. Consequently Buddhists have been working hard to achieve their goals with human efforts, often reminding themselves of a famous saying of the Lord Buddha: “One’s own hand is the shade to his own head.”
.Although it is not required to believe in God or gods to be a Buddhist, the pantheon of gods has a very significant place in popular Buddhist worship. However in Buddhist belief these gods are “much lower than the Lord Buddha.” [10] At the same time, according to Buddhist belief these gods are lower than human beings as well.
Yet the interaction of ordinary Buddhists in certain Christian worship activities is a visible reality in Sri Lanka. In this regard it is highlighted by some scholars that anthropologists have misapprehended the certain behaviours of ordinary Buddhists. The following observation by Gunasinghe highlights this reality,
A Buddhist Sinhalese who takes a vow at a Catholic church will not imagine that he is taking a Buddhist vow, for there are no such vows in Buddhist practice. A Buddhist who wishes to benefit from the laying on of hands by a Catholic priest does not look upon the ritual as a Buddhist act. The distinction that a Buddhist makes in such situations is not a matter of form: it is a matter of fundamentals. Anthropologists seem to deal often only with form and not fundamentals, and to that extent their findings call for caution. [11]
Not only anthropologists but also some Christians have not been grasping this issue of form and fundamental of the conduct of these Buddhists in Sri Lanka. Although in the purview of this study it is not possible to elaborate this matter, for better understanding between Buddhists and Christians this needs to be studied carefully.
In the recent past Buddhists have been accusing Christians, saying that they convert Buddhists through unethical means. In this regards, apart from inflammatory writings, there have even been physical assaults on Christian churches. Efforts have even been made to bring legislation to prevent this so-called unethical conversion. Although in a short paper of this nature it is not possible to elaborate all the issues related to this reality, let us highlight some important concerns.
First of all the fact should be taken into consideration that today the Christian minority as a community does not enjoy significant political or military power in Sri Lanka. Then the question is why some Buddhists are threatened by some of their activities? Today the Christian minority is about 7% and is geographically well spread in Sri Lanka. They use all three main languages of Sri Lanka (Sinhala, Tamil and English) equally in their activities. Ethnically Christians are comprised almost equally of Sinhala and Tamil, the two main ethnic groups of Sri Lanka. Among Christians the literacy rate is almost 100% and the knowledge of English, the international language, is higher than in the other groups in Sri Lanka. The percentage of international relationships of Christians is also better than the other groups in Sri Lanka. These realities clearly show that Christians have a disproportionate representation in Sri Lanka. In other words it can be said that the Christian minority has been living with a majority psychology owing to these facts.
On the other hand Buddhists mainly confine themselves to the Sinhala language for their activities, and almost all the Buddhists ethnically belong to the Sinhala category. Unlike Christians, the majority of the Buddhists in Sri Lanka live in rural areas where they are not much exposed to international realties in the world. These circumstances have caused these Buddhists to develop a minority psychology in this country.
The tension between Sinhala and Tamil ethnic groups has been making Sinhala Christians vulnerable in the area of boundary maintenance for the identity making of this group. These Sinhala Christians were often forced to have a dichotomy in their identity in Sri Lanka. In this dichotomy this Sinhala Christian group has been identifying religion-wise with Tamil Christians while ethnically they were doing the same with Sinhala Buddhists. Therefore this state of affairs has created an identity crisis for the Sinhala Christians in the bosom of the Sinhala Buddhist majority in Sri Lanka.
Conclusion
The brief analysis shows that Christians and Buddhists have been living with a kind of xenophobia in Sri Lankan society. Christians have been expanding their boundaries with the international realties, perhaps with little attention to the contextual realties around them. On the other hand Sinhala Buddhists have been strengthening their local identity with Sinhala ethnic group that have developed phobias for many groups including Christians. This shows the necessity of keeping both global and local realities in proper balance and tension by both Buddhists and Christians in Sri Lanka.
Hence it is clear that the mutual enriching and enhancing of these two world religions both sociologically and theologically could inspire “xenophilia” instead of the prevailing xenophobia in Sri Lankan society.
[1] Somaratna, G. P. V.(1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[2] Somaratna, G. P. V.(1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[3] Gunasekara V.A.(1994), An Examination of the Institutional Forms of Buddhism in the West with Special Reference to Ethnic and Meditational Buddhism, The Buddhist Society of Queensland, PO Box 536, Toowong Qld 4066, Australia. <>http://www.buddhanet.net/bsq14.htm >
[4] Yang, F. & Ebaugh, H.E. ( 2001), ‘Religion and Ethnicity Among New Immigrants :The Impact of Majority/ Minority Status in Home and Host Countries’, Journal for Scientific Study of Religion, 40:3 p.369.
[5] Mol, Hans (Ed)(1978), Identity and Religion: International, Cross Cultural Approaches, Saga Publication Ltd, 28 Banner Street, London. p.2.
[6] Bond, G. D. (1988), The Buddhist Revival in Sri Lanka, , Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi, p.5.
[7] Smart, N. (1984), ‘The Contribution of Buddhism to the Philosophy of Religion’, in ‘Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace’, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p. 89.
[8] Davies, D.J. (1984), Meaning and Salvation in Religious Studies, E.J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands. P.1.
[9] Smart, N. (1984), ‘The Contribution of Buddhism to the Philosophy of Religion’, in Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p. 90.
[10] de Silva, L.(1980), Buddhism : Beliefs and Practices in Sri Lanka, Ecumenical Institute, 490/5, Havelock Road, Colombo 6, Sri Lanka , p.63.
[11] Gunasinghe, S. (1984), ‘Buddhism and Sinhala Rituals’, in Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p.38.
6
WISDOM STORIES FROM RELIGIONS
HINDU
Once upon a time there was a wise merchant who had five sons. One day he asked each son to find a stick . When they each had one, their father told them to break the sticks which they did without any difficulty. Then the father colleted the broken sticks and bundled them up together to teach his sons a lesson.
Father then handed the bundle to each of the sons asking them to break it. But it was so strong no one was able to break it.
Then their father said, “ If you are bound together you are very strong”
BUDDHIST
(Elephants at Kandy Perahara , Sri Lanka)
This story was told by Buddha to show how the problems between religions are something like the Blind men and the Elephant.
Once upon a time there was a king who asked his servant to call all the blind men in the town to a certain place in that town. He then presented the blind men with a large elephant and asked each man to touch the elephant: one to touch the ear, another the tusk, another the trunk and so on. He then asked each blind man to describe the elephant. The one who touched the tusk said it was like a plough, the one who touched the tail said it was a brush, the one who touched the leg said it was a pillar. As the blind men began to disagree with each other’s views they became very cross and started hitting each other.
ISLAM
In the Quran (80.24) Allah said: “Then let man look at his food.”
You live in England and your mother prepares fish for you to eat. This fish may have come from Sri Lanka. Allah tells his followers to look at their food to see where it came from, how it came, how it was created, etc. Allah created this particular fish in a river in Sri Lanka. Then Allah gave it food and looked after it so that it grew up. Allah then caused a fisherman to catch the fish and sell it to another person. Then Allah caused that person to send the fish all the way to England where someone bought it from a stall. Then the fish was cooked and served on your table. Allah did all these things so that you could have something to eat!
CHRISTIANITY
A parable narrated by Jesus
Once a certain father had 2 sons. One day the younger son asked his father to give him his share from his father’s wealth. The father divided his wealth and gave the younger son his share. This young man took his wealth and went to a faraway country where he spent it all. Then there was a famine in the country and he had nothing to eat. In this situation he managed to get a job looking after pigs. While looking after them, as he was hungry, he ate the food their food . In this sad situation he remembered how even his father’s servants ate much better than this. Then he got up and decided to go back to his father and tell him how he had sinned against God and his father and was not worthy to be called his son. Therefore he asked his father to accept him back as one of his servants.
As he approached home he saw his father waiting for him and when his father saw him coming he was delighted and arranged a feast for him. As the feast was going on the elder brother came home after work and when he learnt that his younger brother had returned he was angry. He asked his father “ Why did you accept this your son who wasted your wealth”. Father said “ He was lost and found, therefore we should rejoice” But the elder brother was unhappy, saying that he had been there with him throughout his life but had not even received a small goat to enjoy with his friends. Then the father told him “all that I have is yours - please come and rejoice”.
7.
INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
As the concept called interfaith dialogue has been around for well over half a century it is high time to evaluate the effect of this notion in society. It is not a coincidence that this concept came into being as a post colonial and post Second World War reality in the context of the loss of the Western colonial power in Asian countries such as India and Sri Lanka.
A closer look at interfaith dialogue reveals that it was mainly the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian church who initiated this process. This group was ethnically composed of Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasian people along with some Europeans. This shows that for these people interfaith dialogue was a binding factor irrespective of their ethnic affiliations. One may assume that they came together for this process because of their common faith of Christianity. However to have a sound coherent understanding of this issue it is necessary to look into other factors that made them interested to commence this process called interfaith dialogue.
It is not a secret that this category called the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian Church was well established, having social and political power under British colonial rule. Under the British this power was cemented by their Christianity (especially the Anglican branch of the Christian Church). However, when colonial rule ended they lost this prime position that they had had through their faith. Not only this particular elite of the Christian church in Sri Lanka and Asia but also the Western colonial powers had to comprehend the bitter reality that Christianity was more of a hindrance rather than an assistance to keep some grip on their former colonies. Here the possible effective and evident alternative was “interfaith” rather than “Christianity.” In this process it is very intriguing to note that what they inaugurated with “interfaith” was not a “relationship” but a “dialogue.”
After more than five decades it is very apparent that the positive effect of this process is very minimal among the common people in the pews of the Christian church. Instead we can observe a very negative resistance to this dialogue by many Christians in Sri Lanka. Here it is necessary to look into this phenomenon to evaluate the effect of this concept in society.
This process took ethnicity and other grass root realities such as poverty and identity created through religion into minimum consideration. Therefore for ordinary Christians this process did not become very meaningful as a living experience. Also many ordinary Christians were frightened by what is called “syncretism,” where they believed that Christian faith would be watered down through this process called interfaith dialogue. For this reason the response especially of Charismatic and evangelical Christians to interfaith dialogue has been very pessimistic and negative.
However the fact cannot be ignored that to live in harmony we have to live together as sisters and brothers irrespective of our various identities (religious, ethnic, cultural, etc.) which are decisive in creating meaningful boundaries to feel secure in society. But the aforementioned analysis reveals that the process called interfaith dialogue has not been meaningful or powerful enough to promote and instigate this effective harmonious living in our society.
In this context what is necessary is to fashion a situation where people could reduce xenophobia, which is fear of the encounter of strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena faced by various groups in society. To responded to this situation it can be proposed that it is appropriate to introduce a progression which could be called “ xenophilia” where people are encouraged to formulate positive healthy relationships with so-called strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena by crossing one’s own boundary. This process could create space for each community to wrestle with its own issues rather than handling their concerns in a structure created by somebody else to meet their own ends.
8.
Sinhala Buddhists and Christians
In Sri Lanka there are 72% of Sinhala people who speak Sinhala language and live in the predominant “Sinhala” culture. Among them about 69% profess Buddhism as their religion while others belonged to Christian faith. In the recent past, due to many reasons, there were many incidents in Sri Lanka where there were tensions between Sinhala Christians and Buddhists.
There are some Buddhists who think that Christians are henchmen of past colonial era and consider them as enemies. Some others consider them as betrayers of Sinhala ethnic group. Perhaps another important contributory phenomenon for this is the fact that Sinhala Christians share their ethnicity with Sinhala Buddhists while having their common religion with Tamil Christians. Over and above all these, the main reason for tension is related to so call unethical conversions from Buddhism to Christianity. In this present situation, how can these two religious groups, who belonged to same Sinhala ethnic group could live in with peace and harmony?
Sinhala Christians should realise that although they profess Christian faith they belonged to Sri Lankan Sinhala culture and that it is also their duty to protect and preserver this unique culture. In this context it is their responsibility to search for a common Sri Lanka Christian identity not on western values but on the gospel proclaimed by Jesus Christ. As Sinhala people it is necessary for them to have a sound understanding of Buddhism, which has contributed immensely to the development of Sinhala culture in Sri Lanka. It is important for Sinhala Christians to learn that Sinhala Christians have not got rooted in Sinhala agricultural areas where the majority of Sinhala Buddhists live.
On the other hand it is important for Sinhala Buddhists to realise that Sinhala Christians are an integral part of Sinhala ethnic group although they profess a different faith. The majority of the Christians are part and parcel of Sri Lankan society and that they are proud of their Sinhala identity. It is helpful for Sinhala Buddhists to be aware that Sinhala Christians have created a predominant Sinhala fisher culture and a sub culture in the urban areas in Sri Lanka.
In the context of the development of religious “fundamentalism” both Sinhala Christians and Buddhists should take care not to come to conclusion that “My” faith is the only true faith and therefore “I” should despise all the other faiths. It is a visible reality of the growth of these groups in both Christianity and Buddhism who use arrogant methods to condemn other religions. It is the responsibility of Sinhala people whether Christian or Buddhists to take every possible step to avoid these extreme, unhealthy positions often promoted by tiny minorities.
As universal religions, Buddhism and Christianity have been able to get rooted in many cultures and societies. Therefore it is useful for Sinhala Christians and Buddhists to learn from other Buddhists and Christians of others cultures and societies where they live in peace and harmony respecting and helping each other.
9.
The future of Tamil people in Sri Lanka
2009
The Sri Lankan Government claims that they have wiped out the LTTEers from Sri Lanka. According to Government sources all the geographical areas are now under the control of the Sri Lankan Government. Announcing this “victory” the President of Sri Lanka said that now in Sri Lanka there are no “minorities” but only two sections of the society. They are the people “who love the Motherland” and those “who don’t love the Motherland”. In this whole dilemma it is important to look into the future of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.
Although the President declared that hereafter there are no minorities in Sri Lanka, the Tamil people will continue to speak Tamil and maintain their unique cultures in Sri Lanka. As we consider this issue it should be taken into consideration that in this post modern era where different cultures and languages meet in the same market place people have been strengthening their identities to become meaningful entities in society. Sociologists are gradually realising that the Western expectation of the “Melting Pot” theory of the past century, where people are expected to integrate into the main culture, creating this “pot”, is not happening.
After this “humanitarian” war many Tamil people from the former LTTE controlled areas are now in the IDP (internally displaced people) camps. According to Government sources they now trust the Government and they have given up their allegiances to the LTTE regime. When we met these people we could notice the confusion in these people. For instance one elderly lady told us that she was not an LTTEer but two of her sons are “Mahaweerans” (literary meaning Great heroes). The Sri Lanka Tamil term Mahaweeran is very much similar to “Ranaviruwo” (literary war hero) in Sinhala. The term in Tamil, Mahaweeran, is pregnant with meaning and it gives strength and courage to Tamil people in the same way that the Ranaviruwo functions among many Sinhala people. As the realities of this nature among Tamil people are going to remain for a very long time there will be repercussions from this in time to come. At the moment it is too early to predict these repercussions as these people are in a desperate situation as IDPs.
The fact that LTTE was well established in many countries such as Canada and England is going to affect the future endeavours of Sri Lanka regarding Tamil people in particular. Although the militant group who were called terrorists because of their actions are defeated, the concerns that they presented to keep their power locally and globally are still lingering all over the world. The huge number of IDPs from so-called former LTTE controlled areas will contribute to keeping alive and strengthening these concerns in the global scene.
In all the celebrations, especially in the South of Sri Lanka, after the defeat of the LTTE, the impression is given that all the “minorities” have to live at the mercy of the majority. For instance a 10 year old girl asked me why is that people are using the Buddhist flag to celebrate victory over the LTTE. Then she said it may be to show that they are against Hindus because Hindus are generally Tamils. I strongly believe that we are called to learn a lesson from this innocent 10 year old girl who represents the future generation of our country.
In this post modern era if we are to have lasting peace we have to respect the self determination and the boundary maintenance of Tamil people in Sri Lanka. Everything possible should be done to fashion positive and constructive leadership to fill up the huge gap created by the downfall of the LTTE in Sri Lanka. To have positive results this should be done by the Tamil people for Tamil people. Others may act as facilitators without disturbing the natural course of acting in this regard.
10
Call for Moral Passover from Babel to Pentecost
Sri Lanka is a land blessed with people from various cultures, languages and religions who live in this Island, making it their motherland. History tells us that although at times they have had tensions, generally they been living together with a spirit of tolerance, respecting each other’s differences. This was apparent in Sri Lankan kingdoms before the 16th century, prior to Western colonisation. For instance, in medieval times the image of the bull was removed from the moonstones - Sandakada pahana - as it was a sacred animal in Hinduism. In this way people lived in diversity but in unity rather than unity in diversity.
Things began to change from the 16th century with colonising by the Portuguese, Dutch and British who came from homogeneous, ethno-religious identities dominated by one language. Portuguese spoke Portuguese and acknowledged the Roman Catholic form of Christianity, while the Dutch spoke Dutch and accepted the 'reformed' faith. The British, who were the first foreign power to conquer and occupy the whole island, spoke English and their established Christian religion was that of the Anglican Church. Drastic changes took place under British rule and the whole island was governed by a homogeneous ethos, giving prominence to the English language and Anglicanism. English gradually became the official language and the Anglican Church was the main Christian church of the colony of Ceylon.
When Sri Lanka gained independence from the British Empire in 1948, Sri Lankans did not have a clear model to replace this homogeneous form of English and Anglicanism. Each group was determine to promote its own language, religion and culture without having a clear vision of harmonious existence as one nation in their motherland. Today, at the beginning of the 21st century, this has led to ethno-religious and cultural tensions, bringing chaos to this Paradise Island. How, then, should Christians live in harmony in this multi-religious, cultural and linguist context? What sort of inspiration can we derive from the the scriptures?
The story of the tower of Babel tells us how human beings who spoke one language wanted to build a tower to reach up to Heaven so as not to be scattered over the face of the earth. They became inward looking and sought to create a powerful a culture of their own based on one language. This is a valuable lesson for us today in Sri Lanka. As Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasians we have been trying to build our own towers of Babel to reach Heaven. We have became very self centred and selfish with our own languages and cultures. We have become confused, having to speak many languages. It is evident that our towers of Sinhala, Tamil and English are falling down, but we make desperate efforts to keep them standing and active. This is true both of the church and of the state. Often we Christians boast that we have people from all the three main language groups in Sri Lanka. Does this mean that we are free from contributing to the building and maintaining our own towers of Babel?
The story of Pentecost gives us the best model to adopt in this chaotic situation. The first Pentecost brought people from many cultures together, but not on the basis of one language or culture. What brought them together was the spirit of truth rather than their religious institutions. Though they spoke in their own languages they were able to understand each other.
How is it that today we can speak in our own languages yet understand each other? We see this among small children. I have seen this at the Theological College of Lanka Pilimatalawa. When children come together from Sinhala, Tamil and English backgrounds they speak their own languages yet understand one another. Then gradually they begin to speak each other’s languages. I remember a small Tamil boy challenging me when I spoke to him in my broken Tamil. He said: “Why are you speaking to me in Tamil? Speak to me in Sinhala because I understand Sinhala.” He said this in English!
We should remember that God has created diversity for us to celebrate, not to divide us.. In the sight of God all languages and cultures are equally valuable. Let us not be in such a hury to condemn sister faiths in our country. As Christians we are called to have the mind of Jesus. When the Samaritan women at the well asked Jesus the right place for worship He said it was not in the mountain nor in Jerusalem but we should worship God in spirit and in truth. He told his disciples that when the spirit of truth comes he would lead them into all truths. The most important thing is to obey the spirit of truth in all our endeavours and not condemn those who are not in our camp. Remember the response of Jesus when his disciples rebuked those who healed the sick in His name. Jesus said: “Those who are not against us are for us”
As human beings and Christians we should learn to live in symbiosis with other people of cultures, religions and languages. To do we must learn to think globally but act locally. Otherwise we may become global people who forget their roots or have the temptation to become too local and forget the global realities.
Therefore as mature human beings and Christians let us learn to be local in the context of our global world and to think globally without being isolated from local realities.
11
Sumanagiri Viharaya and Lanka Devadharma Shastralaya (The Sumanagiri Buddhist Temple and the Theological College of Lanka) – Three decades of “Xenophilia”
In December 2008 the Christmas programme with cultural elements organised by the Theological College of Lanka was held in an unconventional manner in the Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya. Devotees of the temple extended their cooperation by supporting the arrangements for the programme and by supplying short eats and sweet meats to entertain the brothers and sisters who came to the temple from the Theological College.
The saga did not end with Christmas: five months later in May 2009 a Wesak programme organised by the Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya was held at the Theological College of Lanka. The children of the temple’s Daham Pasala or Sunday school and the children of the Nandana Pre School of the Theological College of Lanka took part in the programme by singing Wesak Bhakthi Gee or Wesak Carols. This programme was facilitated by a Long Vacation Field Education Group of the Theological College of Lanka. At the end of the programme the community of the Theological College of Lanka extended their hospitality to the brothers and sisters of the village who shared responsibility in making this programme a visible reality.
These two noteworthy exceptional programmes were held not as isolated happenings but as a result of the long and affable relationship which has been growing steadily for over three decades.
It was in the 1980s that the then Principal of the Theological College of Lanka invited the Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero to teach at the College. As this invitation was gladly accepted by the then Chief monk of Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya (which is commonly called the Kudugala Pansala), the relationship between these two institutions started by sending Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero to teach Buddhist Philosophy and Sinhala literature to the theological students at the College.
This mental feeding through the teachings of the Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero was strengthened by the mutual physical feeding through a natural process. Sometimes when the monk came for lectures the College made arrangements for him to have Dhana (midday meal) at the College while some students enjoyed the food offered by (members) Dhayakas of the Temple.
In the mid 80s, when the Ven Pallagama Dhammissara Thero was physically getting weak, he introduced his chief disciple, Ven. Buddumulle Sumanaratene Thero, to teach practical Sinhala to the Tamil students at the College, enhancing the continuation of this link by handing over the responsibility to the next generation. Gradually Ven. Sumanaratane Thero took over from his guru the responsibility of teaching both practical Sinhala and Buddhism at the College and he still teaches Buddhism to the students. From time to time he has also been functioning as a patron of the Sinhala association of the Theological College.
Now all over the island of Sri Lanka Sumararatne Thero has students who are Christian priests. This has created a lasting impact on society to facilitate Xenophilia especially among Christians and Buddhists in Sri Lanka.
This exemplary relationship between these two institutions was possible because of the renunciation of strong boundary maintenance of these two establishments for the mutual spiritual growth. Through this natural ongoing and growing relationship both parties are able to learn from each other, which in turn has enriched them socially and spiritually.
12
Significance and Derivation of Christmas
Why do people celebrate Christmas? A straightforward answer to this question is that Christmas is the birthday of Christ. Does this mean that Jesus was born on the 25th December? No, it does not mean that He was born on December 25th. The truth is that nobody knows the day on which Jesus was born. Then one may ask the reason for celebrating Christmas on the 25th December every year. This is a complex and complicated story, which needs to be investigated to have a sound understanding of Christmas.
It is clear that the early Christians did not celebrate the birthday of Christ. In the New Testament of the Bible, apart from the records of the birth of Christ we do not find any record of these early followers of Jesus Christ celebrating the birthday of their leader and master. This is not something surprising as Jesus was a Jew and most of the early followers of Jesus were Jewish people. For Jews birthdays were not very important as for the Romans or Greeks. In this background the only clear birthday recorded in the New Testament is the birthday celebration of King Herod, after which event John the Baptist, the forerunner of Jesus, was beheaded.
According to the generally accepted history of the Christian Church Christmas has been celebrated on 25th December since 354CE. Before this time, and after the New Testament period, this festival was celebrated on 6th January. It is necessary to understand the context of January 6th to comprehend the festival that was celebrated on this date. In pagan antiquity 6th January was the feast of Dionysus the Greek vegetarian god of wine. It was the belief of the followers of this god that by transforming water into wine this god revealed his divine power. Very probably, when the early Christians gradually initiated the celebration of the incarnation of God in Jesus the established legend of Dionysus would have created a significant ground to make the nativity of Jesus effective and meaningful. This is clear in the way in which they celebrated the Epiphany on the 6th January by commemorating the feast of the power of revelation of their God in a way by displacing the feast of the epiphany of Dionysus.
On the other hand the gradual development of 25th December as the nativity of Christ from the mid 4th century cannot be understood without a sound understanding of the mid winter festivals of the ancient world. These festivals were especially prominent in ancient Babylon and Egypt. At the same time Germanic fertility festivals were also held during this winter season. Along with the winter festivals the birth of the sun god was particularly associated with 25th December. For instance, the births of the ancient sun god Attis in Phrygia and the Persian sun god Mithras were celebrated on December 25th. The Roman festival of Saturn (Saturnalia), the god of peace and plenty, was from 17th to 24th December. These festivals were held with great festivity along with public gatherings, exchange of gifts and candles, etc.
Apart from these origins there are many other customs and traditions from other cultures which are embedded with Christmas. For instance the custom of decorating homes and altars with evergreen leaves of holly and mistletoe during the Christmas season came from the ancient Celtic culture of the British Isles where they revered all green plants as important symbols of fertility. The tradition of calling Christmas Yule tide in many countries is derived from an ancient ritual of burning Yule logs as part of a pagan ceremony associated with vegetation and fire. This community act was performed with the expectation of magical and spiritual powers. It is believed that the widely venerated Saint Francis of Assisi introduced the practice of making cribs by making a model of the scenes of nativity to re-enact the birth of Christ in order to bring spiritual revival to the laity. As is common knowledge, singing is part and parcel of almost all cultures of the world. In the background of this “cultural universal” singing of the carols for Christmas appeared in the Middle Ages and by the 14th century this custom became an integral part of the religious observances of the birth of Christ. Apart from these customs, rituals and ceremonies there are many other traditions such as the Christmas tree and the observance of saint days that are intertwined with the celebration of Christmas.
When Christmas began to be celebrated on the 25th December this festival became meaningful to people as it was able to enrich the birth of Christ by absorbing the meaningful festivals already celebrated in society. This is the core factor that has made Christmas so important for people all over the world. In this particular context it is clear that Christmas is not a mere birthday party for Jesus Christ. It is a festival of light and life. This is clear in the following Bible verses taken from the traditional Bible passage read for Christmas from St. John’s Gospel (St. John 1.1-14),
“In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God. All things came into being through him, and without him not one thing came into being. What has come into being in him was life, and the life was the light of all people.
The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness did not overcome it…..”
Christmas has the power to bring many cultures, traditions and symbols together to uplift humanity to divinity and bring down the divine to humanity. It is the responsibility of Christians and others concerned to make this festival meaningful by adsorbing all life affirming and light generating festivals and activities to this festival. We can see that already this has happened commercially. It is our responsibility to make this happen ethically, morally, culturally and spiritually.
The necessity for this responsibility springs up in the post war contexts of many countries as there are people who still exist in bleak life threatening situations. Here the message of Christmas in not to look into their caste, code, class, ethnicity or religion, but to accept and honour them by respecting them and making them understand that their liberation and redemption is tied up with the salvation of whole humanity.
RELIGION AND MIGRATION OF SINHALA BUDDHISTS AND CHRISTIANS IN AND AROUND LONDON
The place of religion in the process of migration
Sociologists have observed that the relationship between religion and migration is not random but integrally connected to many realities, which should be studied to gain a better understanding of the life and work of immigrants in the host countries. [1] For instance Warner clearly and directly has said,
Migration and religion are not mutually independent. [2]
In this it is necessary to look carefully into religions practised by the immigrants in their home countries and the religions followed by them after their migration to the host country in relation to the process of their integration within the host country. [3] Accordingly the content of this chapter examines the realities of both home and host countries in investigating the influences on Sinhala people in and around London. For this, apart from the research methods suggested in the methodology of research, the experiences of the researcher living with this group of people in Sri Lanka and also in and around London are recounted.
Structured interviews revealed that, broadly speaking, the prominent and immediate reason for migration of Sinhala people (as for many other Asians, as mentioned by Warner) has been “in search of a better life”[4] with economic gain and the expectation of educational opportunities for their children in the UK. Apart from this the other reasons expressed by them were connected to unpleasant experiences faced in Sri Lanka due to tensions such as ethnic, religious and cultural, which are very common in Asia. [5] Also in general informal interviews it was found that some Sinhala people who came to the UK purely for studies or employment for a specific period of time decided to stay while there was civil unrest in Sri Lanka. For instance, the researcher was able to have discussions with three Sinhala families who have decided to stay on in this manner in 1989 due to a Sinhala youth uprising in the southern parts of Sri Lanka. However, generally all the immigrants have migrated with the expectation of living in peace and prosperity in the host country.
It was clear that these immigrants, in the process of deciding the most suitable country for their migration and settlement, have taken their religions seriously. [6] Therefore they come within Warner’s generalisation that,
Religion is salient for immigrants. [7]
In structured and informal interviews both Sinhala Christians and Buddhists willingly indicated their awareness of the decisive functions played by their religions in the process of migration. [8] In this regard both Sinhala Christians and Buddhists expressed how and why they had to consider their religions important in the context of their primary objectives such as employment opportunities and better education opportunities for their children.
There were two cases of Sinhala Christian immigrants who felt that their religion was a primary factor directly connected to their migration. One lady (Ms. SC-2) said,
I have been brought up as an Anglican with Anglican values and attitudes in Sri Lanka. When I decided to migrate to give my children a better education, England became the first choice because we were Anglicans.
Where the choice of the country for migration was concerned this lady was certain that her migration with the family to the UK was very much determined by the fact that she and her family were born and bred as Anglicans in Sri Lanka. This was further confirmed by her intimate participation in the activities of the local Anglican Church, including playing the organ at her English parish church where she and her family are the only Asian or African immigrant members of the congregation. She often participates in these activities with her husband, who was the churchwarden in the parish two years ago. It was observed that the social life of this family is integrally connected to the local parish church. Before leaving their parents’ home for employment, their son and daughter, who are now in their late twenties, have also taken part in many activities of the church, such as the Youth Fellowship and Sunday School.
The other Sinhala Christian gentlemen Mr. SC-1, said,
My migration to the UK was directly connected to Christianity as my Amma (mother) came to this country on a scholarship from a Christian organisation. A few months after my mother’s arrival my father and I came to the UK and settled in this land. Today almost 30 years after of our arrival we are well settled in the UK. Very specially we take a leading role in Christian circles.
This was a clear case where religion was the primary factor in facilitating migration. Although cases if this kind are rare and do not show a strong pattern, they make an impact in the Christian church in the UK. These immigrants often function as bridges between Sri Lankan and English churches, enhancing better understanding between the communities. Therefore, in the analysis of religion and migration it is necessary to take such immigrants into account irrespective of their numerical strength. This fact could be supported by the participation of these immigrants in important church activities where they were the only church members other than the white British majority, making an effective contribution to the church’s work.
Two catholic immigrants respectively told the researcher how their religious leaders gave them support both before and after migration, giving them helpful information. This became special for them, as they believed it difficult to get this sort of information from ordinary people. Although they did not interpret this with a religious understanding such as that it was “God given” they gave the impression that it was something special in the context of their faith. They believe that their religion was important in supplying the encouragement and psychological support, which were decisive in making the arrangements for migration. Here it is necessary to note that both these respondents said that they don’t consider themselves as very religious people although they take active roles in religious activities. These were two clear cases where they said that they were more involved in religious activities in the host country than in the home country and had pleasant experiences of religion with migration. In this background they felt that they have become more “religious” in the host country than in the home country. Highlighting the importance of religion for migration in American society Helen Ebaugh has said,
When immigrants arrive here, the first place they go are the churches - that’s where fellow countrymen are and where their culture reproduces itself. [9]
This American observation gives the impression that the British results of this research are not random happenings but common with immigrants in the West.
Structured interviews revealed that one immigrant initially has migrated to a Middle Eastern country and subsequently has migrated to the UK. This Buddhist lady Ms. SB-1, who has worked in the Middle East, said,
Before I came to the UK I worked in one of the Middle Eastern countries and in that country I found it difficult to practise Buddhism. Therefore I did not want to settle there although I got a better salary in that country” “For me to have freedom to practise my religion and be accepted by others as a Buddhist is important. Although we need money to live, money is not everything.
According to her, she received a better salary in the Middle East than in the UK. Yet when the opportunity arose she decided to migrate to the UK to have better freedom to practise her religion - Buddhism. Later when asked about other reasons for her migration to the UK, she referred to the education of her son.
As this feature of migration appeared important, the snowball method was used to get more information about migrations of this kind, starting from this lady, to research this pattern of immigration. [10] This exercise revealed that the pattern of this lady’s migration was not an isolated happening: many others have followed this pattern. The researcher was able to have discussions with five of Sinhala Buddhist immigrants from Sri Lanka who have migrated following this pattern. It is important to note that these immigrants knew each other through an unstructured network strengthened by telephone calls, e-mails and occasional gatherings in a house of one of their members.
All emphasised how their freedom was limited due to restrictions they had to face in Middle Eastern countries. They said that in some of these countries they were not allowed to possess an image of personal worship such as a statue or picture of the Lord Buddha. Further, they said that though the people in authority in Middle Eastern Countries at least make an effort to tolerate western Christianity, they hardly try to do the same for Buddhism or Hinduism. When the researcher requested them to give an example for this they said that for some western companies working in some Middle Eastern countries permission was given to have a Christian place of worship within the expatriate community but no facility of this nature is granted to Buddhists or Hindus. Through participant observation it was clear that this religious intolerance faced by them has become one of the main factors in bringing them together, to strengthen their faith and to gain solidarity among with others.
Here, under the preview of this research, the most important factor to be noticed is the way in which religious freedom has become an integrated aspect of the total freedom expected by immigrants in the host country. This reveals that “the better way of life” of immigrants is not entirely determined by the best economic gain but that the aspects of religions are integrally associated with it as decisive factors.
The researcher was able to meet Buddhists who were visited by Buddhist monks soon after their arrival in the UK. [11] This has mainly happened with information these monks got from their brother monks or other friends in Sri Lanka who were known to these immigrants. Here, usually before the arrival of the newcomers to the UK, three-way communication is carried out between a monk in Sri Lanka, a monk in the UK and the newcomers getting to know each other. On their arrival new immigrants in search of the society that they have left behind in the home country get a welcoming invitation from a monk resident in one of the temples in and around London to get involved in the activities of a temple. Naturally this gives the immigrants psychological support on their arrival in a religious atmosphere. This has created lasting impressions in the lives of these immigrants in the host country. As for many other Asian immigrants these kinds of activities have made Sinhala immigrants more religious or religiously involved in the host country. [12] Conforming to this pattern, when it was asked in a discussion how they got involved in their temple, one woman, SB-6, said,
We were delighted by the way in which some monks in Sri Lanka and the UK arranged a temple for us to worship in the UK close to the area where we decided to settle. We were really overwhelmed by the surprise visit of the chief monk of the temple a few days after our arrival in the UK. This was particularly good for us to keep our children in the faith with the guidance of Buddhist monks. This first experience of Buddhism in the UK with the blessing of Sangha (Monk) made a lasting impression on Sri Lankan Buddhism practised in the UK.
For immigrants from extended families, whose philosophy of the family is often tied up with religions, the religious philosophies of the extended family have become important in the process of migration. [13] This was visible in the Sinhala Christian and Buddhist immigrant community comprising the kith and kin of one extended family settled in East London. All the Christians of this community are Roman Catholics and come from a predominantly Sinhala Roman Catholic coastal area where 74.3% of the population are Roman Catholics. [14] Buddhists of this community come from various parts of Sri Lanka and are married to members of this Roman Catholic extended family. This extended family has been migrating to the UK during a period of about 20 years. As this family is comprised of both Buddhists and Christians they take part in the Sri Lankan Buddhist temple of the area and the British Roman Catholic church where they have chosen to worship. The first person to migrate from this community, who is a Christian, functions as the leader of this community and is supported by his wife who is a practising Buddhist in the UK. As there are number of mixed marriages in this community, they have taken both Christianity and Buddhism seriously as ways of life. When it was asked from the leader the way in which his extended family migrated, and the place of religion in their migration, he SC-3 said,
After my arrival whenever there were opportunities such as employment for other members of the family to migrate, I made necessary arrangements for them to come. The fact that we are well settled in the local church and that we have Sri Lankan Buddhist temples in London helped their migration. The support and encouragement that we got from both temples and our church were very useful in handling many issues connected to the migration of my family. Here, where our cultural issues like language and practices are concerned the Sri Lankan temples support us. We don’t get this in the church where we worship in London. On the other hand our church helps us to handle UK practicalities such as getting introductions within the local community, to feel secure and become part and parcel of the local community.
This statement shows that this extended family have used both Buddhism and Christianity in Sri Lanka and the UK to keep migration smoother for immigrants from their extended family. It appears that, in the process of migration, they have been keeping their Sri Lankan local realities alive through Buddhism while using Christianity to face the new realities on their arrival in the UK. When the researcher inquired whether they don’t feel any contradiction in taking part in both Buddhists and Christian activities the leaders of the community SC-3 said.
Here there is no contradiction. Our Christians practise their faith in the Church and take part in the Buddhist temple for Sinhala cultural activities. On the other hand our Buddhists practise their faith in the Buddhist temple and are exposed to British culture by taking part in the activities of the local church. Also we believe we get blessings from both Buddhism and Christianity.
Hence this shows that the main expectation of these immigrants “in search of a better life” is integrally connected to the religions they bring from the home country. Therefore in the process of migration the religions of these immigrants have functioned as a vehicle to carry their emotions and feelings from the home to host country, with facilitating effects on their migration. In this community it was important to notice that no one was directly or indirectly influenced to change their religions from Buddhism to Christianity or vice versa.
Migration and 19th century Buddhists revival in Sri Lanka
Williams and Warner show that with regard to the religions of immigrants, the Christian percentage is often higher in the host country than the home country. [15] Through this research it became evident that not only that the Christian percentage but also the percentage of immigrants with Western and Christian influence is higher than Sri Lankan traditional Buddhists. It was estimated that at least 90% of Sinhala Buddhist immigrants do not practise the rural Buddhism of traditional Sri Lankan villages, which is very little touched by western and Christian influences. Buddhists who are not of the traditional faith are those who have been living in the urban areas of Sri Lanka.
Through structured interviews with six Sinhala Buddhists it became evident that the 19th century Buddhist revival was significant for all without any exception. They expressed their awareness of the effects and influences of this revival in home and host countries towards their migration to the UK. The result of the interviews clearly reveals that these Sinhala Buddhists have gained psychological strength through the Buddhist revival, helping them to adjust to western conditions. In this regard a Buddhist respondent, SB-3, made the following statement,
I was fascinated to learn how some intellectual British people such as Rhys Davids were attracted to Buddhism and promoted Buddhism in the UK. I have realised that the knowledge of all those things affected my migration to the UK. Or in other words those things made the decision to migrate to the UK easier.
The response of this Sinhala immigrant should be understood in the context of the contribution of the Buddhist revival towards the elimination of Anglophobia among traditional Buddhists in Sri Lanka. Prior to this revival, Buddhists associated the English language with false religion or mithya drsi with the interpretation that Christianity as a false religion. [16] The removal of this barrier between Buddhism and the English language was done mainly to counteract the British Christian missionary enterprise in Sri Lanka, which categorised Buddhism as a pagan religion that should be abolished. This Buddhist revival, instead of rejecting English language, adopted it to promote Buddhism both in Sri Lanka and abroad.
To analyse this phenomena on the process of migration, farther discussions were held with Mr. SB-3 and like-minded Sinhala immigrants who are educated professionals such as medical doctors and engineers. Their responses along with the literature review on this subject give a clear picture on the influence of this feature on their migration. In another interview SB-6 commented,
The contribution of the leaders of the 19th century Buddhist revival towards a better understanding of Buddhism in the western world has been remarkable. Along with the other western people interested in Buddhism, they were able to show the effectiveness of Buddhism in the modern world. With the rise of Darwinism in the western world some western academics realised the parallels between Darwinism and Buddhism. They were able to show that Buddhist philosophy is free from a creator God and that it is the most rational religion in the world. With these happenings in the west the leaders of the Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka worked tirelessly to popularise Buddhist thoughts in the West. The outcome of their efforts made Buddhism more acceptable and popular in the West, which in turn created a healthy background for the migration of Buddhists.
This shows how the activities of the Buddhist revivalists became a factor of facilitation for the migration of Sinhala Buddhists to the UK. This was further strengthened by comments of the following nature by some Christian leaders.
In this regard Prof. Saunders (Literary secretary YMCA India, Burma and Ceylon) has observed,
Lord Buddha could be very easily singled out as the one person known to man who received homage from the greatest number of mankind. [17]
On the Biblical understanding of Jesus Christ as the Way, the Truth, and the Life, Bishop Milman has observed,
I feel more and more that Sakyamuni is the nearest in character and effect to Him who is the Way, the Truth, and the Life. [18]
Literature review, participation observation and the structured and informal discussions with Sinhala immigrants have disclosed that the Buddhist revival of the 19th century began as a reaction to the Western Christian Missionary movements in Sri Lanka and resulted in a better understanding of Buddhism in the west, which gradually became a “pull” factor in the migration of Sinhala Buddhists to the UK.
Western association of Christians and migration
Structured interviews with six Sinhala Christians clearly indicate that the western association of their churches in Sri Lanka has played a significant role in their migration, making their migration smooth and pleasant. For example expressing the importance of the western association of her denomination for the migration, Ms. SC-2 said,
As we arrived, the letter of introduction we brought from the Anglican Church in Sri Lanka was very helpful to introduce ourselves to the Anglican Church in the local area.
Mr. SC-3 and Mr SC-4 came out with the following statements respectively showing the support that they received from the local churches in Sri Lanka.
Mr. SC-3 : Before I migrated, I got a lot of advice and information from a Roman Catholic priest known to me. This advice was very helpful.
Mr. SC-4: When I wanted to migrate, priests and sisters supported me a lot. They gave me all the information they had. You can’t expect this from ordinary people. When one tries to migrate usually others are jealous and won’t give information. In this manner my religion really helped me to migrate by supplying necessary information. Also these religious leaders introduced me to Roman Catholic leaders in England, which was very useful when I arrived in the UK.
The Sinhala Christian girl, Ms. SC-5, born in the UK, showing her knowledge of the assistance received by her parents for their migration, said,
I have observed how religions have helped my parents to migrate to this country. In a way that was their only international link before arrival in the UK. For instance, the links that my parents church in Sri Lanka had with a church in the UK have helped them to get information about the UK.
It was apparent that some Christian immigrants from Sri Lanka treasure their association with western Christianity. In the process of migration these treasured associations have become useful for Sinhala Buddhists and Christians from Sri Lanka. In the following manner, one Christian lady (SC-2) expressed how her Anglican upbringing became one of the decisive factors of her migration to a predominantly white British area,
Even before our arrival our main intention was to migrate to a white British area and to worship with British people in a British Anglican church. We wanted to bring up our children with Anglican values and to give them an Anglican education in the country where the Anglican Church originated.
Statements of this kind by some Christians from Sri Lanka show that the western association through Christianity enabled them to make a prominent impact in the host country and made other home country realities, such as the Sinhala language they brought with them, less important.
Discussions with Sinhala Christian immigrants aged over 60 years made it evident that certain moves implemented by Sri Lankan governments after 1956 caused them to migrate to the UK, as observed by Saram,
Although anti-Catholic sentiments have been expressed by Buddhist militants since the early 1950s, it was not until 1960 that these sentiments were translated by the SLFP[19] into official policy, largely for political reasons. Buddhist activists had long resented what they considered to be the unfair privileges enjoyed by Sri Lanka’s Catholics. [20]
In this background Christians generally and urban Christians particularly have been affected by three events after independence in 1948. These events have become “pull factors” in migration for many urban Christians in Sri Lanka. The three events were the take-over of schools managed by Christian denominations by the government in 1961, tea estates taken over by the government in 1972 and the “Sinhala only act” of 1956, which made the lives of Christians in Sri Lanka uneasy and unpleasant. [21] With these changes many urban Christians were forced to give up their positions in society with the denial of the English language, which was their first language for generations under British rule. It was natural for them to look up to the UK with its Christian associations so they could regain the place in society that had been denied to them. Regarding this issue, in an interview a Sinhala Christian (SC-2) aged over 60 said,
When they (the Sri Lankan government) took over most of our (Church) schools we did not have enough schools to educate our children in the language (English) we were used to with our Christian background. When they forced us to do all the work in Sinhala, it became impossible as we were not at all used to working in Sinhala. Above all they simply forgot our contributions towards the development of our country. (Sri Lanka) People began to look at us, as though we were their enemies. In this condition, before we migrated, the only consolation we had was our church which gave us a glimpse of all the things taken away from us.
This shows how through Christianity they were attracted to the western way of life, which in turn became a place of consolation when the “western colonial life” was taken away from them in Sri Lankan society. When they had to look for ways and means to reclaim their lost honour, migration to another country became one of the options. Commenting on this option SC-2 said,
Since we were Christians and were familiar with British realities we decided that we should migrate to the UK. Also the fact that our generation had been serving the British Empire made our decision to migrate to the UK easier.
This reveals how post-independent socio-cultural and political changes in Sri Lanka which had made everyday life difficult for the Christians brought them closer to their religion. Christianity and the western attitudes they were familiar with made their migration smoother to the UK. [22] This has increased the importance of their religion for these immigrants in the host country.
Religion and migration in the context of Sri Lankan middle class and capitalism.
The vast majority of the Sinhala immigrants, both Christians and Buddhists, have lived in the urban middle class background in Sri Lanka where capitalistic values found a fertile ground. This was true of the sample of twelve people chosen for structured interviews. Eight of them were from this background and the other two belong to the second generation of these immigrants. Here the observation of Max Weber highlighting the connection between protestant ethics and the rise of capitalism is useful in studying the migration of these people. Commenting on Weber’s observations Ann Levine has noted,
Whereas Marx saw religion as an obstacle to social change, Weber saw it as an agent of social change. Weber began with a puzzle: Why were the leading capitalists of the day overwhelmingly Protestant? Why not Catholic (or Buddhist or Muslim)? He found an answer in the Calvinistic phase of the Protestant Reformation. Calvin believed that the individual’s fate in the hereafter was preordained but did not advocate passive acceptance of whatever life brought. Rather he preached the redemptive value of work. The Protestant work ethic, with its peculiar combination of hard work and deferred gratification, was ideally suited to capitalism. Under Calvinism, investing in profit-making ventures became a moral duty. In this case, then, religion played a major, active role in social change. The one point on which all these theorists would agree is that the structure of religion and that of society are intertwined. [23]
It was clear that the influence of protestant ethics was not confined only to Christians but also affected Buddhists, particularly those living in the urban areas of Sri Lanka. Among these immigrants to the UK, some had been living in urban areas in Sri Lanka for generations while others had migrated to urban areas in the recent past. Through the participant observation, the researcher was able to determine that these immigrants not only have lived in the urban areas of Sri Lanka but were also nurtured in a middle-class background with capitalistic values. They were not from the poverty stricken section of the urban areas in Sri Lanka such as slums and shanties.
In this context it became necessary to investigate the relationship between migration and the religion of people in urban areas with capitalistic values in order to verify the influence of religion on the process of migration. It was clear that most of these immigrants had been practising their faith with capitalistic values, protestant ethics and the rise of capitalism. This is evident in their philosophy of life. For instance, they consider material prosperity as a blessing and they invest part of their income for profit and future use. Whether they were Buddhists or Christians the religious philosophy of these people has been associated with capitalistic values influenced by protestant ethics.
The Buddhists in the urban areas of Sri Lanka who created "Protestant Buddhism" in the 19th century are from middle-class backgrounds with protestant ethics and capitalistic values and were more exposed to western realities than others in traditional rural areas of Sri Lanka. Through this research it became evident that the majority of the Buddhists in and around London are from this group and were influenced by both protestant Christianity and protestant Buddhism, and that this greatly facilitated their migration to the UK.
After the political independence of Sri Lanka from Britain in 1948 most of those who remained Christians in urban middle-class areas with capitalistic values were more concerned about their power and prestige in the society. [24] Christianity and the western way of life which had secured their status before independence were essential for them. It was hard to think of Christianity without a western way of life. According to their way of thinking the British way of life was the best. When this way of life gradually changed in Sri Lanka they began to make an effort to keep it alive at least within the Christian Church. [25] It could be said that when this group accepted Christianity in a western form the form became more important than the content. The incarnation model of the Christian gospel was alien to this group. Therefore even after independence they were attached to the western way of life without a proper understanding of the changing realities around them. As this group had powerful positions in Christian churches the official position of the church was greatly influenced by them. In this regard Kenneth Fernando (later the Bishop of Colombo, Sri Lanka) has observed,
So, by and large, the Church remained a group hankering after the fleshpots of the past colonial era, the language and culture of the colonial masters which gave them what they considered to be a social distinction and they espoused the cause of the privileged and the rich. [26]
It is evident that this group was so attached to a western way of life with capitalistic values it became an integral part of their life. This made this group of people a “reality in Sri Lanka” and not “of Sri Lanka”. They maintained their liking for the former colonial way of life and began to speak of the present in the language of the colonial era. Though British rule had ended they wanted to continue life in the same way and with an emotional attachment to their faith.
In this state they could manage their lives without serious tension until 1956.[27] The right wing government of the United National Party did not propose any drastic changes from the former colonial government. In that government before 1956 generally all Members of Parliament and Cabinet Ministers were from the Anglicised urban elite, ethnically from Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and Eurasian (Burghers) communities, with Buddhist, Hindu, Christian and Islamic religious associations. Later, when the newly formed Sri Lanka Freedom Party came into power in 1956 many Members of Parliament were from traditional Sri Lankan villages. They were not from the westernised elite and did not speak English fluently. The power inherited by the westernise elite from Britain gradually began to diminish. [28] This resulted in major changes in their life-style, creating an identity crisis for the westernised elite. [29] Those who found it difficult to identify with this new society came to the conclusion that it would be more comfortable to live in the UK than in Sri Lanka. In an interview with one member of this group (SC-2) of immigrants in the UK the researcher noted some of the problems they had faced.
Although we spoke English as our first language and followed the Christian faith, we saw ourselves as Sri Lankans and Sri Lanka was our motherland. But when the majority of people in Sri Lanka began to discriminate against us because of our faith and language we were felt compelled to migrate to a place where we would be accepted and comfortable. People were not ready to work hard like us. They wanted everything free of charge.
It was observed that most of this group were from the Karava caste whose ancestors became Christianised as communities and not as individuals. Commenting on the conversion of Karava people to Christianity M. D. Raghavan has observed,
The readiness to embrace Christianity arose from many causes. Being comparative newcomers, the Karava were less enmeshed in the intricacies of the Sinhalese social structure. Lesser involvement in the feudalism of the time gave them greater freedom of action. [30]
As a result of their beliefs and way of life this group had more freedom and found it easier to live with capitalistic values enriched by Christian protestant principles. This enabled them to create a Christian culture of their own with middle-class capitalistic values that brought them closer to their colonial masters.
It is clear that people whose caste association made them easier to become Christians in the colonial era with its capitalistic values found their Christianity a facilitating factor in emigrating to a new life in the UK, and to recover the self-esteem they had lost in Sri Lanka
Religion, past-pupils associations and migration
This research has discovered that UK branches of past-pupil associations of Sri Lankan schools (often with religious associations) are directly and indirectly linked to the emigration of many Sinhala people. [31] These associations often have branches in various countries with their main office in Sri Lanka. Through their activities they have been supporting their schools in Sri Lanka, both financially and psychologically. These links have been functioning as live wires connecting Sri Lanka and the UK through religious affiliations, as all these schools are religious foundations.
The first and foremost influence of these schools is the English language, which is of primary importance for immigrants to the UK. These immigrants are grateful to their schools for equipping them with the English language. As for Buddhists, these schools not only have equipped them with English but have also taught Buddhism in English. This has been an enabling factor for smoother migration from home to the host country. In this regard a male migrant Mr. SB-3, said the following,
When I look back I realise that my education in a school started by Buddhist revivalists of the 19th century has really prepared me for migration to the UK. In the school I learned how to be a good Buddhist in western contextual realities. I was encouraged to read and study Buddhism in English, although I did not see any necessity to do this in my school days.
The majority of Sinhala immigrants in and around London have studied at schools started by Christian missionaries from the west or schools started by Buddhists revivalists of the 19th century assisted by some westerners. The Sinhala Buddhist immigrants who have studied at these schools have been exposed to many British influences such as the English language and cultural aspects such as drama and music. They have emerged from the Anglophobia which still prevails in many rural Buddhist villages in Sri Lanka. These Buddhists learned that the English language and British cultural values were of value in promoting their religion and their lives as devout Buddhists. These values and attitudes began to develop in Sri Lanka in the latter part of the 19th century with the Buddhist revival. These Buddhist revivalists rejected, on the one hand, certain Christian models and structures while adopting some of them with a different meaning and content. It is relevant to refer in this respect to criticism of the activities of the YMCA[32] and the formation of the YMBA, [33] which adopted the organisational structure of the YMCA.
The participant observation revealed that the majority of Sinhala Christian immigrants belonging to traditional Christian churches are products of schools founded in the 19th century by western Christian missionaries in Sri Lanka. These immigrants are very proud of their upbringing in these schools and continue to be in touch with them. They are members of the British branches of the past-pupil associations of their old schools in Sri Lanka and work hard to help them. It is observed that, among other Sri Lankan immigrants, many identify themselves as “Thomians” or “Peterites” after the names of their old schools. These identities have become important for them with the fact that missionary bodies such as CMS [34] which started some these schools still exist with their headquarters in London. The other important factor with regard to these associations with their former schools is the links they have formed between schools in Sri Lanka and schools in Britain. Often immigrants are the main facilitators of these links, keeping them alive and active.
The responses given by the Sinhala Buddhist and Christian immigrants show that the schools started by Christian missionaries and schools founded by Buddhist revivalists on the Christian missionary model have given immigrants a culture entirely different to the culture of their generations in Sri Lanka. The schools have given them a new culture not much related to their caste and profession in Sri Lanka. This is contrary to the traditional education in the caste system where they were confined to the profession of the caste. For instance children of the fisher caste learned fishing in the caste while farmers train their children to get involved in farming as their future livelihood.
The process has enabled immigrants to establish a culture taught by their schools in contrast to the traditional castes and professional associations which influenced them in Sri Lanka. Their association with the British branches of past-pupils associations has shown how they value the culture gained at their Sri Lankan schools even after their migration to the UK. The term “past-pupils associations” gives the impression that even in the host country they consider them as pupils of these schools, retaining their pupil state as a present reality.
When interviewed a British-born young man showed his awareness of the influence on his parent’s migration of the schools where they studied. Undoubtedly the main source behind this impression was the parents themselves who valued their schools as a facilitating factor in their migration - the importance of their schooling even when they are in the host country.
The attraction of Sinhala immigrants to past-pupils associations and its connection with their education leads us to ask what is meant by “education”. The Latin word educare, literally means to “bring up” and is connected to the verb form educere, which means, “bring forth”.[35] I. Robertson has said, “In its broadest meaning “education” could mean “socialisation”, as both pass on culture from one generation to another.” [36] Durkheim’s definition of education as “the socialisation of the younger generation” is in similar vein. [37]
In the traditional society of Sri Lanka, the broader sense of education was through “caste” - the basic social structure of that society. The elders passed on the knowledge of caste professions such as pottery work and carpentry to the next generation in a non- formal way, preserving the caste and profession within the community. [38] But the colonial, western form of education started by Christian missionaries and Buddhist revivalists changed the pattern and gave pupils a new identity associated with their schools. Even after migration they have retained this identity through past-pupils associations.
The relationship between migration and the British branches of past-pupils associations has been further strengthened by the fact that some extended families send their children to the same school in Sri Lanka. Among average middle-class people it is not hard to find families who have been attending the same school for several generations. The schools they proudly send their children to were religious foundations during the British colonial era, started either by Christian missionaries or the Buddhist revivalist of the 19th century.
The British branches of past-pupils associations have reinforced their strength by facilitating the migration of more people from extended families who have studied in the same school in Sri Lanka.
The migration and de-Europeanising of Christianity with de-Asianising of Buddhism
Warner (along with other sociologists) has observed that due to migrant religions in host countries traditional ethno-religious associations have been changing rapidly. In our research it was evident that Sinhala immigrants belonged to two universal religions, Buddhism and Christianity, have been contributing to this trend. [39]
Most of the Sinhala Christian immigrants belong to denominations such as Anglican, Methodist and Roman Catholic, which developed in Western Europe in response to theological, cultural, social and political realities. The traditional protestant denominations in Sri Lanka are closely associated with London, often with their head offices there or with international links. At the same time over the years these denominations have been integrated into Sri Lankan realities.
Many Sri Lankan Anglicans are aware of the pioneering steps taken by the Sri Lankan Anglican Church in the first half of the 20th century to indigenise the Christian church outside Europe, making the theological claim that aspects such as indigenous music and idioms can and must be used in worship and other activities of the life of the faith community. [40] Some Anglican Sinhala immigrants are proud of this contribution by the Sri Lankan Anglican Church to the worldwide Anglican Communion. Pioneering contributions of this nature by the Sri Lankan Christian church has given them a sense of dignity in the UK, giving them their unique identity in British society.
The participation of the Sri Lankan Christians in the de-Europeanising of Christianity in the UK has created a plus factor in the process of migration for the incomers who feel a sense of belonging on their arrival in the UK. This has happened with the contribution of Sinhala Christians who helped to bring about changes in the general Christian identity in the UK. Through participant observation it was found that Christians who contributed to the de-Europeanising of Christianity are members of three Christian sub-cultures namely white British, other black and brown people and Sri Lankan communities with an understanding of the British society who welcome new immigrants with fellowship and help them to settle in British society.
In East London there are churches packed with Asians and Africans. In one particular church, it was observed that about forty Sinhala Christians were worshipping along with white British and other Asians and Africans. Over the years in this particular church the Asian population has been increasing with a decreasing number of white British people in the congregation. This particular Sinhala Christian community is very close to the Sri Lankan Buddhist temple of the area and some of them take an active part in the activities of the temple. This participation has been strengthening with a few mixed marriages between Sinhala Christian and Buddhist in this community. De-Europeanising of this Christian congregation has been attracting some Sinhala immigrants to this fellowship, making their migration smoother and more pleasant.
The position of Sri Lankan Christian leaders in important Christian organisations has been a facilitating factor in the influx of some immigrants from Sri Lanka. Christian leaders based in the UK, Sri Lanka and other countries have influenced the process of migration in variety of ways. Leaders based in Sri Lanka are consulted by migrants before their movement in order to become aware of what they will have to deal with in the host country. On their arrival leaders in the host country are often contacted to arrange for them to be introduced to communities (the leaders working with in the UK) In an interview, a Sinhala Christian immigrant (SC-6) from Sri Lanka made the following statement,
We are proud of our Sri Lankan Christian leaders in international organisations, especially the Christian priests in these organisations who were helpful before and throughout our migration. The support we got from them in Sri Lanka before our departure and after our arrival in the UK made our migration smoother, avoiding many problems faced by immigrants to the UK. In this regard, according to my understanding and experience the positive impressions they made through their association with influential people in the UK have been particularly helpful for us in making our first impression with British people in response to them.
Buddhism has been de-Asianising from the 19th century with the rise of Buddhist institutions in the West. England was one of the prominent countries in this, with London as the centre of these activities. According to available data today there are about a hundred Buddhist temples in the UK, including twenty-three Theravada temples. [41] The following observation shows that, apart from these, many other Buddhist institutions have been growing in Europe over the years.
One notes also the rapid increase of Buddhist institutions in Europe, which in Britain shot up from seventy-four (1979) to about 340 (1997) and in Germany from some forty (1975) to more than 400 (1997) meditation circles, groups and centres. [42]
The contribution of these temples towards their migration, one Sinhala Buddhist person (SB-6) said,
Long before our migration - indeed, even before we dreamt of migration - we were well aware of the existence of many Buddhist temple in and around London. Also I am aware that there are nearly a hundred Buddhist temples in the UK from various traditions, including an order called “the friends of western Buddhists”, which is mainly a white British institution. Here I think it is important to note that while Christian churches of some denominations are closing at a steady rate, the number of Buddhist temples in the UK is increasing. The existence of these temples was a great source of strength for our migration. This was great in two ways. Firstly it was great to have our faith and philosophy of life along with the other Sri Lankan Buddhists. Secondly it was great because we could relate to British people through British Buddhists who have often understood our faith better than us.
In understanding this process of de-Asianising of Buddhism the following observations by Almond could be considered relevant,
In fine, the Buddha was an ideal Victorian gentleman,…[43]
By the middle of the Victorian period, the Buddha had emerged from the wings of myth and entered the historical stage. No longer identified with the ancient gods, distinct from the Hindu account of him and his mythical predecessors, the Buddha was a human figure - one to be compared not with gods but with other historical personalities, and one to be interpreted in the light of the Victorian ideal of humanity. [44]
In a poem by Edwin Arnold called “The Light of Asia”. George Cobbold, an Anglican clergyman, described The light of Asia in 1894 as the book which,
…probably more than any other work of the day has been the means of drawing the attention of English-speaking people to Buddhism…. [45]
There is no doubt that these changes of attitudes of British people (especially in the Victorian era) towards Buddhism have been a facilitating factor for some British people to embrace Buddhism. This in turn has become an enabling aspect to have a better understanding between western and Asian people through Buddhism. It is manifest that this understanding has been an enabling factor in the migration of Sinhala Buddhists from Sri Lanka who firmly believe that their identity is inseparable from Buddhism.
“Religion and migration” in the context of globalisation
After independence in 1948 and up to 1977 was a period in which the government of Sri Lanka took over many foreign companies and sent foreigners back home. Christians missionaries from foreign countries gradually decreased in the Christian churches in Sri Lanka, weakening their relationship with countries such as the UK. [46] In this situation various denominations such as Anglican and Methodist began to work closely, coming together to emphasise their Sri Lankan Christian identity rather than their British origin of the past. But after the official introduction of an open economy in 1977 once again it became easier for various denominations to strengthen their relationships with their respective denominations in European countries. Today, many urban churches in Sri Lanka with middle-class congregations have links and relationships with churches in the UK. These relationships have been strengthened and new relationships are emerging in the context of globalisation, along with modern communication facilities such as the Internet and e-mail. This has enabled migrants to get familiar with British churches before their emigration, and has been a plus factor for migrants. In consequence, on their arrival in the UK some Sinhala Christians from Sri Lanka become part of a local church known to them through their local church in Sri Lanka.
The global aspect of religion is evident in a statement by Mr. SC-1 during a structured interview,
As we were Anglicans in Sri Lanka with a good knowledge of English even before our arrival, we did not notice any remarkable difference between Anglicanism in Sri Lanka and the UK.
Note how he has spoken of “we”, to include his family. This statement along with the researcher’s close association with this family shows how they were influenced by the urban globalisation trends of Christianity in Sri Lanka before their migration.
Through observation it has been noticed that in the global economy the infiltration of the basic functional structures of multinational companies into religions have been a facilitating factor in migration. This is particularly true of urban people working for multinational companies, practising their faith in an urban church dominated by the capitalistic values of the global economy. This influence has been visible in Sri Lanka, very specially from the mid 70’s with the official introduction of the open economy of globalisation. [47] From that time, the strong integration of the values of the global economy has been reshaping the activities of churches of various denominations in Sri Lanka.
This change in the churches in Sri Lanka often have brought the churches of similar values closer to each other at time across the denominations. These relationships are strengthened through members of Sri Lankan and UK churches working for the branches of the same company in Sri Lanka and the UK. A Sinhala Christian immigrant (SC-6) from Sri Lanka working for a multinational company with branches both in Sri Lanka and the UK said,
I migrated when there was a vacancy in the British branch of the company that I worked for in Sri Lanka. The churches that some of the employers of my company belong to in the UK have links with my local church in Sri Lanka and this made my migration a pleasant experience. We could trust each other as members of the same faith with the same theological perspectives.
This gives the impression of a kind of a standardisation of religion through globalisation, as in multinational companies where there are branches very similar anywhere in the world. Churches of this kind in the UK have made close relationships, with Sri Lankan churches with the similar values globally, resulting in facilitating effects for migration. This clearly reveals the enhancing role played by types of religions emerging in the global economy as a factor in migration.
In most of the urban areas of Sri Lanka these relationships have created many tensions between global and local realities of Christianity. Through the researcher’s extensive living experience in Sri Lanka and discussions with Sinhala immigrants from those areas of Sri Lanka it has been observed that these tensions have been contributing to the process of migration. This has happened with the fundamentalist trends of Christianity associated with global economy, promoting the concept that other religions are of no soteriological value. These philosophies have been strengthened by the establishment of many multinational companies in the global economy, promoting western values such as individualism and the personal salvation associated with Christianity. This has created a lifestyle for some urban Christians combining their religions and employment. Some have formed associations of Christian business people to promote these values in the global economy.
In a charismatic trilingual congregation of Sri Lankan origin in London there are some Sinhala Christians from grass-root level, who are not found in other London churches. Most have converted to Christianity within ten years, either in Sri Lanka or in the Middle East where some had worked before their arrival in the UK. The conversions of these people, whether in Sri Lanka or the Middle East, is closely related to the aspects of globalisation which have facilitated the migration of charismatic churches of this kind to Sri Lanka. In discussions it was revealed that they have had a psychological migration from rural areas to urban life style, especially through the charismatic Christian faith embraced by them. Some rural folk who preferred to migrate to western countries have chosen to embrace this form of Christianity. It is noticed that some of the pastors of these denominations indirectly show how they could prosper in western countries with their form of Christianity. This has helped them to have the basic detachment from the traditional rural environment necessary for migration.
Although the researcher has observed these realities in Sri Lanka and in London, it was difficult for these immigrants to discover the sociological reasons for their conversion and the connection between their religion and migration. One Sinhala Christian person (SC-6) said,
It was God who called us to be his children. We became Christians because it was the will of God. Because we obeyed God we were blessed and God showed the way for us to come to this country. We are certain that if we obey Him, He will give us more blessings.
This statement shows that, although they did not reveal the effects of globalisation and religion on their migration, they drew a close connection with their relatively new religion and migration. Here under the purview of this research, it is necessary to interpret their religious experiences in sociological terms. According to their religious experience the enabling role played by their religion towards their migration is a blessing from God because they obeyed Him. They believe that the main aspect of their obeying was the change of their traditional religion to the true religion, which is Christianity.
This reveals how the psychology supplied by the religions closely associated with globalisation are facilitating and encouraging migration to western countries such as the UK.
Religions generally encourage believers to venture out into what seems extremely difficult or impossible tasks on the basis of faith and faith community. When things are rationally unapproachable, religions create space to keep the hope of expectation. In the face of a bleak future religions supply the psychological support to keep believers alive and active. In this analysis of the “place of religion in the process of migration”, it is clear that the religions of the immigrants have been functioning to fulfil these roles to take them through the passage of migration, facilitating them to encounter many realities, which are unexplainable and unresolved by merely rational arguments.
Abbreviations – SB = Sinhala Buddhist - SC = Sinhala Christian
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[19] Sri Lanka Freedom Party.
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[21] Somaratne, G.P.V. (1982), Christian Religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), Deepani Publisher, 464, High Level Road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka. pp. 164 – 204.
[22] Somaratne, G.P.V. (1982), Christian Religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), Deepani Publisher, 464,High Level Road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka. pp. 164 – 204.
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[25] Somaratne, G.P.V. (1982), Christian Religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), Deepani Publisher, 464, High Level Road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka. pp. 164 – 204.
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[28] Houtart, F. (1974), Religion and Ideology in Sri Lanka, Hansa Publishers Colombo-3. pp.142-149.
[29] Somaratne, G.P.V. (1982), Christian Religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), Deepani Publisher, 464,High Level Road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka. pp. 164 – 193.
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[31] “ Daily news” – Sri Lankan newspaper – Lake House, Wednesday, January 9, 2002.
[32] Young Men’s Christian Association.
[33] Young Men’s Buddhist Association.
[34] Christian Missionary Society.
[35] Shankar Rao, C.N. (1998), Reprint- Sociology, S. Chand & Company Ltd. Ram Nagar, New Delhi- 110055, p 415.
[36] Robertson, I. ( 1983), Sociology, 2nd edition, Worth Publishers Inc. New York 10016, p.377.
[37] Shankar Rao, C.N. ( 1998), Reprint- Sociology, S. Chand & Company Ltd Ram Nagar, New Delhi- 110055,p 416.
[38] Robertson, I.(1983),Sociology, 2nd edition, Worth Publishers Inc. New York 10016,pp.237&242.
[39] Warner, R. S. (2000), The New Immigrant Religion: An Update and Appraisal, Department of Sociology, University of Illinois at Chicago,
[40] SuryaSena, D. (1978), Of Sri Lanka I Sing, , Ranco Printers & Publishers Limited, Galle Road, Colombo 8, Sri Lanka, pp. 66-69 & De S.Kulatillake, C. & Abeysinghe, R. (1976), A Background to Sinhala Traditional Music of Sri Lanka, Department of Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka, p.8.
[41] Appendix Two.
[43] Almond, P.C.(1988), The British discovery of Buddhism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, p.79.
[44] Almond, P.C.(1988), The British Discovery of Buddhism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, p.140.
[45] Cobbold, G.A. (1894), Religion in Japan: Shintoism, Buddhism, Christianity, S.P.C.K.,London, p.32.
[46] Somaratne, G.P.V. (1982),Christian Religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), Deepani Publisher, 464,High Level Road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka. p.197.
[47] David, L. (1994), Sri Lanka: The Invention of Enmity, United States Institute of Peace, Washington D.C., pp.78-81.