OBJECTIVE
To foster peace and harmony among various ethnic and religious groups through my academic, pastoral and administrative strengths, experiences and abilities to create a better future for the citizens of the world
Academic background
Doctor of Divinity(Hon DD)- Sociology of Religion with Theological implications and repercussions
17 May 2022
St Andrew's Theological University - India
Ethnographic research with a thesis on "Creation & Recreation of Identities"
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)-(Theology & Sociology of Religion) 2005, University of Kent, UK
Followed & completed the “Foundation Course for Part Time Youth and Community Workers” in Kent county Council. UK – 2002
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)-(Sociology with theological implications) 2001, University of Ruhuna, Sri Lanka
Bachelor of Divinity (BD) 1993, University of Serampore, India. (Theology Postgraduate study of three years)
Bachelor of Theology(BTh) 1989, University of Serampore, India
College Diploma (1985-1989) – Theological Education and Formation - Theological College of Lanka, Pilimatalawa, Sri Lanka
The Engineering Council , London. UK. Part I examination – May 1984 – Credited with passes in following subjects
(201) - Mathematics (203) - Properties of Materials - (208) - Thermodynamics
ඉහලින් තල් ගසින් පෝෂණය උන
පහලින් පොල් ගස කප් රුකක් උන
මැද කඳුකරේ තේ වලින් සශ්රීක උන
මේ දිවයිනේ කොස් ගස බත් ගසක් උන
[ A free English translation :-
Fed by palm trees above
Below coconut trees are a treasure
Fertile tea in the central hills
The jackfruit is a rice tree in this island]
Ecclesiastical Experiences
Archdeacon of Nuwara Eliya - Diocese of Colombo
2016 - 2018
i. Vicar – St. Francis of Assisi, Mt. Lavinia
2015 – 2017
ii. Chair – Interfaith Desk of the Diocese of Colombo
2010 -2015
iii. Chaplain – St. John’s Home, Moratuwa, Sri Lanka ( A girl’s home and a children’s centre managed by the Sisters of St. Margaret (SSM) )
2011 – 2015
iv. Area Dean - Moratuwa and environs
2012 – 2015
v. Incumbent - Holy Emmanuel Church, Moratuwa with St. Paul’s ChurchMoratumulla, St. Michael and All Angel’s Church, Willorawatte, Church of the Healing Christ, Kadalana, and Anglican Church at Uyana.
2011 -2015
( < www.holyemmanuelchurch.com=""> )
vi. Examining Chaplain – Diocese of Colombo – to date
vii. Member – “ Priests” clergy choir of the Diocese of Colombo - Through this choir of 6 clergypersons we have been promoting Gospel values. My interest in music and singing has promoted discipleship among various people – to date
viii. Pastoral experience in the parish of Christ Church, Mutwal ( former Cathedral of the Diocese of Colombo) and missions
2010 March to 2011 Jan
ix. Have experience of pastoral ministry in the following parishes/institutions in Sri Lanka
1. Ratmeewala 2. Wattegama 3.Gampola 4.Gatamge 5. Peradeniya training colony Chapel 6. University of Peradeniya Chapel
1996 Jan – 2010 March
x. Sri Lankan representative of the NIFCON (Network for Inter Faith Concerns)
2006 to date
xi. Licence to officiate in the Diocese of Kurunagala, Sri Lanka
1996 – 2010
xii. Director – Fulltime Lay workers of the Diocese of Colombo
2006-2009
xiii. Licence to officiate in the Diocese of Canterbury. UK. (PTO)
2002 – 2007
xiv. Worked for the Whitstable Team Ministry in the Diocese of Canterbury.UK
2001 – 2005
xv. Anglican minister in the Diocese of Colombo
1989 – to date
xvi Member, Ministerial Advisory Committee, Diocese of Colombo
1996- 2001 & 2005 – 2010
xvii. Chaplain, Denipitiya Medical Mission, Sri Lanka.
1993-1996
xviii. Chaplain, Hillwood College, Kandy, Sri Lanka.( An Anglican College started by CMS missionaries in 1890 )
1999- 2001
xix. Youth Chaplain, Southern Deanery of Sri Lanka.
1993- 1996
xx. Vicar, Church of the Ascension, Matara, Sri Lanka.
1993-1996
xxi. Assistant Curate, All Saints Church, Galle, Sri Lanka.
1992
xxii. Assistant Curate, St. Marks Church, Badulla, Sri Lanka.
1989-1991
~ The cross of the Diocese of Kurunagala is a replica of the 6th century Nestorian cross unearthed from the ancient Kingdom of Anuradhapura in the North Central Province of Sri Lanka ~
● Top part of the Cross – Palmyra palm wood from the North of Sri Lanka # Bottom part of the cross – coconut wood from the South of Sri Lanka# Middle part – Tea wood from the central hills of Sri Lanka # Bottom base – Jak wood grown in all parts of Sri Lanka●
< the="" self-giving="" love="" of="" the="" cross="" embraces="" all="" cultures="" of="" sri="" lanka="">
E mail frkeerthi@gmail.com - Personal
Content......
1. Insufficiency of mere "dialogue" for the 21st century
2. Religious conversion - A reflection
3. Ethno-religious identities in the global village
4. “English” in Sri Lanka
5. Minority Christian Identity in the Context of Majority Buddhist Identity in Sri Lanka
6. WISDOM STORIES FROM RELIGIONS
7. INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
8. Sinhala Buddhists and Christians
9. The future of Tamil people in Sri Lanka - 2009
10. Call for Moral Passover from Babel to Pentecost
11. “Xenophilia”
12. Significance and Derivation of Christmas
INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
As the concept called interfaith dialogue has been around for well over half a century it is high time to evaluate the effect of this notion in society. It is not a coincidence that this concept came into being as a post colonial and post Second World War reality in the context of the loss of the Western colonial power in Asian countries such as India and Sri Lanka.
A closer look at interfaith dialogue reveals that it was mainly the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian church who initiated this process. This group was ethnically composed of Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasian people along with some Europeans. This shows that for these people interfaith dialogue was a binding factor irrespective of their ethnic affiliations. One may assume that they came together for this process because of their common faith of Christianity. However to have a sound coherent understanding of this issue it is necessary to look into other factors that made them interested to commence this process called interfaith dialogue.
It is not a secret that this category called the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian Church was well established, having social and political power under British colonial rule. Under the British this power was cemented by their Christianity (especially the Anglican branch of the Christian Church). However, when colonial rule ended they lost this prime position that they had had through their faith. Not only this particular elite of the Christian church in Sri Lanka and Asia but also the Western colonial powers had to comprehend the bitter reality that Christianity was more of a hindrance rather than an assistance to keep some grip on their former colonies. Here the possible effective and evident alternative was “interfaith” rather than “Christianity.” In this process it is very intriguing to note that what they inaugurated with “interfaith” was not a “relationship” but a “dialogue.”
After more than five decades it is very apparent that the positive effect of this process is very minimal among the common people in the pews of the Christian church. Instead we can observe a very negative resistance to this dialogue by many Christians in Sri Lanka. Here it is necessary to look into this phenomenon to evaluate the effect of this concept in society.
This process took ethnicity and other grass root realities such as poverty and identity created through religion into minimum consideration. Therefore for ordinary Christians this process did not become very meaningful as a living experience. Also many ordinary Christians were frightened by what is called “syncretism,” where they believed that Christian faith would be watered down through this process called interfaith dialogue. For this reason the response especially of Charismatic and evangelical Christians to interfaith dialogue has been very pessimistic and negative.
However the fact cannot be ignored that to live in harmony we have to live together as sisters and brothers irrespective of our various identities (religious, ethnic, cultural, etc.) which are decisive in creating meaningful boundaries to feel secure in society. But the aforementioned analysis reveals that the process called interfaith dialogue has not been meaningful or powerful enough to promote and instigate this effective harmonious living in our society.
In this context what is necessary is to fashion a situation where people could reduce xenophobia, which is fear of the encounter of strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena faced by various groups in society. To responded to this situation it can be proposed that it is appropriate to introduce a progression which could be called “ xenophilia” where people are encouraged to formulate positive healthy relationships with so-called strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena by crossing one’s own boundary. This process could create space for each community to wrestle with its own issues rather than handling their concerns in a structure created by somebody else to meet their own ends.
2.
Religious conversions
A reflection
Religious conversion is a controversial issue often debated in Sri Lanka. Apart from inflammatory writing and argument there have been cases of physical assault, maybe with the intention of preventing a conversion. I believe we first need a proper understanding of why anyone should seek to change from one religion to another - if not from a genuine spiritual conviction. A common allegation, if not the only one, is that many have been converted for the sake of money and material wealth. (I have met people who come into this category.) Why would anyone change their faith for a material motive? When people in real material need get support from individuals or groups they may feel it is good to identify themselves with those who are willing to support them. This is a natural human response, and I believe every human being has the right to do this. Yet I also strongly believe it is the responsibility of people who help the needy not to encourage them to change their religion just for money or material things.
Can we really call such a change a 'religious' conversion? I have doubts about this from experience of living in Sri Lanka. Some who are of this mind and purpose keep moving from place to place to get support here and there and so overcome their material difficulties. However, as they don’t remain in one place for long there's hardy anything 'religious' in their conversion. Some others who have been given material support identify with those who helped them - for a time - but when they realise they can get no more help they gradually dissociate themselves from those who supported them. It's clear that people who try to change their religious identity for material needs often fail to keep their new faith when they cease to get help.
Does this imply that there are no true religious conversions? Not at all. But if we want a proper understanding of these conversions, first we should understand the reality of change. It is a fact that whether we like it or not we all keep on changing. This is well explained in the Buddhist concepts of Dukkha, Anicca and Anatta. Some people change their identities due to various social reasons within their community. When people are not accepted and respected in a community they seek to change their identity. They may change religions to gain more acceptance and respect and to feel comfortable within the community. Others who face a crisis such as sickness change their beliefs to get blessings and healing and overcome the problem they are faced with. Some others aim to change their social class by changing their religion and settling in the new class they have chosen. Many other reasons can be given for religious conversions within a society.
In Sri Lanka in particular there is a need for a practical solution to overcome the tension between various religions. Here I would like to suggest a method that I adopted in various parts of the country - to handle religious conversions in consultation with religious leaders of the community. When someone expresses a wish to change their religion they could be counselled by a leader of the faith they presently belong to and also a leader of the faith they wish to embrace. This kind of understanding is specially important in areas which are, in the main, traditionally of one faith.
I believe that if this strategy could be adopted in Sri Lanka it would help to strengthen understanding between different religions when faced with the issues of religious conversions.
3.
Ethno-religious identities in the global village
In this 21st century people all over the world have become aware of how far away places are being brought closer together into a so-called ‘global village’. This trend is enhanced by modern communication and transport systems such as the Internet, e-mail. high- speed trains and planes. The phenomenon of the global village makes it necessary to understand how local adaptation is often coloured by ancient ethno-religious identities. . Today people of various ethnic and religious groups live closer to each other than in past centuries and there is a general expectation that they will gradually forget their identities within the melting pot of the global village. Often this expectation is fuelled by countries who are stand most to benefit from globalism.
It is natural for countries and communities who are potential losers in the global movement to seek ways of regaining the lost power and prestige that globalism brings. With the threat of losing so much they have only their ethnic and religious identities as a basis for coming together to regain what they have lost. The question may be asked as to why they focus on ethno-religious identities rather than political systems which could help them fight to regain what they have lost in the global economy. But political systems often have to go along with global tendencies for their survival and people are reluctant to resist or work to prevent policies implemented by the most powerful countries of the world.
Many so-called Third World countries have been reviving their ethno-religious identities politically - at times with extreme tendencies - as a response to global tendencies. Often they have taken an anti-western stance in response to the centralisation of global powers in the west. These ethno-religious identities are becoming further strengthened as a result of the western standardisation of such aspects of human life as materialism, cultures and political systems where some minorities are even faced with actual extinction.
Nor can we overlook the way in which ethno-religious identities were used by nations in the 20th century to gain independence from western colonial rule. The fresh memories of these struggles for independence have encouraged peoples in Third World countries to use their ethno-religious identities once again to fight the forces, which threaten their very existence in the world.
Is it not, therefore, the responsibility of the western world to be sensitive to the ethno- religious identities of poorer nations and to avoid the extreme steps taken by some groups in those countries? Otherwise it will be difficult to prevent the expansion of groups, which threaten peace throughout the world. If the current tendency of rich countries to become richer while poor countries become poorer is not checked it will be hard to stop people in poorer countries taking extreme steps - feeling they have nothing to lose.
4.
“English” in Sri Lanka
The word “ English” could mean many things to people in Sri Lanka. Whatever the meaning the very word “ English” frightens many Sinhala and Tamil educated people who have little knowledge of English culture and language. The environment created by the English educated elite mainly causes this Anglophobia in Sri Lanka.
Today some influential English educated people in Sri Lanka live in a fantasy world and try to emphasis the “Oxford” or “BBC” English as the correct and accurate English, which should be used in Sri Lanka. In a way these people are trying to keep colonial Victorian English alive with an emotional attachment to this type of the language which made them, or their relations, masters of other Sri Lankans under colonial rule. What they have not realised is the fact that today, even in the “Oxford” or “BBC” type language culture in the UK, it is hard to show an homogeneous type of the English language or pronunciation as, for example: the BBC particularly tries now to function as an area in which people with a wider variety of regional accents and with language structures from all over the world are included. Not only in these areas but also in many parts of the world, with the influence of globalisation, people are using English in a multiplicity of ways for communication.
The culture that these English educated elites have created in emphasising so called “ Oxford” or “BBC” English” has been humiliating many Sinhala and Tamil educated people, giving the impressing that they are “fools” or “uneducated” in Sri Lanka. Often these English educated elites suffer from “ teacher mentality” and keep on correcting the little English used by Sinhala and Tamil educated people to show their authority over them. It is the responsibility of Sinhala and Tamil educated people to take measures to prevent this teacher mentality to allow the majority of the population to learn English without undue pressures in the society. Sinhala and Tamil educated people should not be misled by these elites as they come from the same tradition as the people who stressed -after independence (specially after 1956) - that Sinhala and Tamil are enough for Sri Lankans.
In a country like Sri Lanka it is useful to stress English in two different ways. First of all it is the link language that is used to bring together various ethnic groups in Sri Lanka. Secondly English is the best international language to enable all Sri Lankans to widen their horizons in order to gain exposure to the rest of the world. The best example for this type of usage of English is found in our only immediate neighbour and big sister India.
In this situation it is high time for Sri Lankans to promote English for communication with basic grammar and a clear understandable accent and to eradicate the elite approach of keeping English as a way of life for their superiority survival.
5.
Minority Christian Identity in the Context of Majority Buddhist Identity in Sri Lanka
Introduction, Scope of Study and Method
In this short paper it is expected to examine the identity issues of Christian minority in the surroundings of Buddhist majority in Sri Lanka. This is done by considering sociological realities connected to Buddhist and Christian identity with theological inputs that have been necessarily associated with the identities of these world religions. Hence this paper highlights theological issues as long as they are empirically intertwined with the identity concerns of the people of these two scripture-based religions in Sri Lanka.
Although this study mainly discusses the issue of Christians in the context of Sinhala Buddhism, to enhance the scope of this research other realities such as Tamil ethnic presence are taken into consideration appropriately. Through scrutiny an effort is made to investigate the possibilities of contributing to ethno-religious harmony in Sri Lanka by understanding the identity of Christians in the bosom of Buddhism. Yet it is not the intention of this paper to have an extensive analysis of the Buddhist and Christian communities and post-war situation in Sri Lanka.
This brief research is done by placing Sri Lankan context in the global realities and research appropriately. The substance of this paper is obtained from the written literature and the living experience of the writer of this research. Other necessary information and views have been accessed from the writer’s previous research of similar vein in Sri Lanka and the UK.
A very brief introduction to the social history of the Christian community in Sri Lanka
In Sri Lanka Buddhism is the majority religion (69%) and Christianity is one of the minority religions (7.6%) of the people of this land. Although almost all the native Buddhists in Sri Lanka are Sinhala people the reverse is not the case. About 4% out of the 7.6% Christian minority are Sinhala. Approximately 3.6% are of Tamil ethnic origin. [1]
The continuous existence of the present day Christian community in Sri Lanka can be traced to the arrival of the Portuguese at the beginning of the 16th century. This was followed by the Dutch in 1658 CE and then the British in the year 1796 CE. The Portuguese introduced Roman Catholicism while the Dutch established the Dutch Reformed Church, and under the British colonial rule many so-called Protestant denominations such as Methodist and Baptist were initiated along with the religion of the colony called the Anglican denomination.
Although all these colonial powers protected and used their brands of Christian denominations for their own benefit to run the colony, there are some unique features which need to be recognised to create the background for the present research. The Portuguese were involved in mass conversion and used many visual aids and symbols in proclaiming Roman Catholicism. Their priests were celibates and did not depend on the salary from the colonial government. They led a simple life and got involved with the common people in their everyday activities. The Dutch introduced the Dutch Reformed Church by prohibiting all the other religions including Roman Catholicism. They were particularly against Roman Catholicism as the Dutch belonged to the reformed camp who were against the Roman Catholics whose head was the Bishop of Rome (the Pope). Under these circumstances the Portuguese persecuted the Roman Catholics, which created pandemonium among the Roman Catholics in Sri Lanka. The British allowed the flow of many denominations and gave religious freedom to all religions, although special privileges were granted to the Anglican Church. [2]
In 1948, after political independence, Christians lost the many privileged positions that they enjoyed under the colonial regime. Under these circumstances some Christian denominations initiated processes such as indigenisation and inculturation to face the challenges of the postcolonial era. Generally until the mid 1970s the foreign contacts of the Christians were very much restricted. After that time, with the introduction of the market economy in the context of so-called globalisation, once again Christians were able to have a close connection with their foreign counterparts. In this background many new Christian denominations have been introduced to Sri Lanka.
The Problem
The main problem unearthed by this research paper is identified as the tension between universality and particularity of two major religions existing in an island nation called Sri Lanka at the southern tip of India. To understand this problem the following explanation presented by Gunasekara, explaining the characteristics of a universal religion, can be considered useful.
Universality of Principle. There must be nothing in the basic beliefs of the religion that confine it to a particular nation, race or ethnic group. Thus if there is a notion of a "chosen people" then this characteristic is violated.
Non-Exclusiveness of Membership. Any person could be an adherent of the religion concerned, and be entitled to the same privileges and obligations as every other person. This of course does not require every follower of the religion to be of the same level of achievement, but only that some external factor like race or caste prevents individuals from full participation in the religion.
Wide Geographical dispersion. The religion must have demonstrated an ability to find followers amongst a variety of nations or ethnic groups. Thus even if a religion satisfies the first two requirements but has not been able to spread beyond its region of origin it may not qualify to be a universal religion. Thus Jainism is not generally regarded as a universal although its principles are universal in scope and it is non-exclusive.
Non-Exclusiveness of Language. The practices of the religion which require verbal communication should be capable of being done in any language. The authoritative version of its basic texts may be maintained in the original language in which the original expositions were given, but translations of these should be valid, provided that they preserve the sense of the original texts.
Independence of Specific Cultural Practices. The practices of the religion should be free from the cultural practices of a particular group in such matters as food, dress, seating, etc.
Each one of these criteria raise problems but they have to be satisfied to a significant extent if the religion is to be deemed a universal one.[3]
Although in Sri Lanka these two religions, Christianity and Buddhism, basically endeavour to abide by these factors, in creating the identities of the adherents they have the tendency to shift from these features. Dynamics of this inclination create a variety of issues integrally connected to the identities of these religious categories. Hence through this paper it is expected to elaborate this phenomenon to contribute to the area of this research.
Basic Theoretical Framework
The nexus between ethnicity and religion is the foundation of the theoretical framework of this paper. This is done by taking precedence from the theory created by Yang and Ebaugh from their extensive research done on this subject. According to these two scholars the nexus between ethnicity and religion can be identified in three main categories. They are the “ethnic fusion” in which religion is considered as the foundation of ethnicity, “ethnic religion” where religion is one of the many foundations of ethnicity, and thirdly “religious ethnicity” in which case an ethnic group is associated with a particular religion shared by other ethnic groups. [4] This framework in enriched by the theory presented by Hans Mol and others on boundary maintenance and change handling of the religious groups. [5] This is done to examine the creation and recreation of Christian identity in the context of dynamic Buddhist identity in Sri Lanka.
An Analysis
In a country like Sri Lanka, where beliefs and philosophies are taken seriously, in all endeavours, these aspects play a vital role in determining behaviour patterns of people in society. In this background it is indisputable that these features have been an integral part of the happenings in Sri Lanka. Hence folk beliefs and organised religious beliefs amalgamated with ethnicities have become the key factors in both fuelling tension and also showing the capacity to reduce tension to have a better understanding of each other in society.
Up to the present day Buddhism has existed for almost 22 centuries in Sri Lanka. Along with Buddhism, rituals, ceremonies and practices connected to Hindu religiosity have been surviving in this island land. As Middle Eastern and South Indian traders have been visiting Sri Lanka for a very long time, with the rise of Islam in the seventh century, gradually Islam also was established in Sri Lanka.
Beginning from the 16th century with the introduction of Christianity under the colonial regime, the well-established Buddhist identity has been undergoing drastic changes in Sri Lanka. To face the challenges posed by the colonial powers Buddhists have progressively been strengthening their identity on ethno-religious lines. This process, which began as a colonial reality, has been developing in many directions to recreate the denied honour of the Sinhala Buddhist under colonial rule.
Sociologically speaking, Buddhist revivalists came to have a “love-hate” relationship with the Christians, which became prominent after mid 19th century. Bond has explained this in the following manner.
Protestant Buddhism the response of the early reformers who began the revival by both reacting against and imitating Christianity……….[6]
In this process Buddhist revivalists started establishments such as schools and organisations by adopting and adjusting the structures of the Protestant church. Buddhist worship, rituals and ceremonies went through drastic changes. For instance, Buddhists revivalists started Buddhist carols or Bhakthi Gee by adapting the form of Christian carols.
On the other hand, after political independence in 1948 CE, Christians have been trying to become effective by adopting, adjusting and adapting many phenomena from the Buddhist philosophy and culture in Sri Lanka. These are aspects such as church architecture, music and cultural symbols from the traditional Buddhist context in this country.
After political independence in 1948 CE, slowly but steadily the majority Buddhists have been strengthening their identity with the Sinhala ethnicity. Over the years the consciousness of Buddhists as the chosen people of the soil and of Buddhism as the foundation of their Sinhala ethnicity have been increasing, creating many decisive issues in Sri Lanka. This has contributed towards the creation of an identity crisis for Sinhala Christians who do not share the same philosophy, although they share many cultural elements with Sinhala Buddhists in Sri Lanka.
The encounter of Buddhism and Christianity over five centuries have been a theologising experience for both these religions in Sri Lanka. However, the very word “theology” in Christianity has raised many issues for Buddhists who believe in a religion where God or gods are not at the centre of their faith. Regarding this Smart has noted,
The thought that you could have a religion which did not in any straight sense believe in God was a novel thought in the West and still has hardly been digested.[7]
Sinhala Buddhists in Sri Lanka have been strengthening this position to claim that the saving power according to Buddhism is within human beings without necessarily getting assistance from any supernatural entity. [8] Davies has explained this in the following manner,
deepest kind of mystical experience and quest can exist independently of theism…[9]
This belief at times directly and indirectly has been used to counteract Christianity in which theologically God is the centre of all realities. Consequently Buddhists have been working hard to achieve their goals with human efforts, often reminding themselves of a famous saying of the Lord Buddha: “One’s own hand is the shade to his own head.”
.Although it is not required to believe in God or gods to be a Buddhist, the pantheon of gods has a very significant place in popular Buddhist worship. However in Buddhist belief these gods are “much lower than the Lord Buddha.” [10] At the same time, according to Buddhist belief these gods are lower than human beings as well.
Yet the interaction of ordinary Buddhists in certain Christian worship activities is a visible reality in Sri Lanka. In this regard it is highlighted by some scholars that anthropologists have misapprehended the certain behaviours of ordinary Buddhists. The following observation by Gunasinghe highlights this reality,
A Buddhist Sinhalese who takes a vow at a Catholic church will not imagine that he is taking a Buddhist vow, for there are no such vows in Buddhist practice. A Buddhist who wishes to benefit from the laying on of hands by a Catholic priest does not look upon the ritual as a Buddhist act. The distinction that a Buddhist makes in such situations is not a matter of form: it is a matter of fundamentals. Anthropologists seem to deal often only with form and not fundamentals, and to that extent their findings call for caution. [11]
Not only anthropologists but also some Christians have not been grasping this issue of form and fundamental of the conduct of these Buddhists in Sri Lanka. Although in the purview of this study it is not possible to elaborate this matter, for better understanding between Buddhists and Christians this needs to be studied carefully.
In the recent past Buddhists have been accusing Christians, saying that they convert Buddhists through unethical means. In this regards, apart from inflammatory writings, there have even been physical assaults on Christian churches. Efforts have even been made to bring legislation to prevent this so-called unethical conversion. Although in a short paper of this nature it is not possible to elaborate all the issues related to this reality, let us highlight some important concerns.
First of all the fact should be taken into consideration that today the Christian minority as a community does not enjoy significant political or military power in Sri Lanka. Then the question is why some Buddhists are threatened by some of their activities? Today the Christian minority is about 7% and is geographically well spread in Sri Lanka. They use all three main languages of Sri Lanka (Sinhala, Tamil and English) equally in their activities. Ethnically Christians are comprised almost equally of Sinhala and Tamil, the two main ethnic groups of Sri Lanka. Among Christians the literacy rate is almost 100% and the knowledge of English, the international language, is higher than in the other groups in Sri Lanka. The percentage of international relationships of Christians is also better than the other groups in Sri Lanka. These realities clearly show that Christians have a disproportionate representation in Sri Lanka. In other words it can be said that the Christian minority has been living with a majority psychology owing to these facts.
On the other hand Buddhists mainly confine themselves to the Sinhala language for their activities, and almost all the Buddhists ethnically belong to the Sinhala category. Unlike Christians, the majority of the Buddhists in Sri Lanka live in rural areas where they are not much exposed to international realties in the world. These circumstances have caused these Buddhists to develop a minority psychology in this country.
The tension between Sinhala and Tamil ethnic groups has been making Sinhala Christians vulnerable in the area of boundary maintenance for the identity making of this group. These Sinhala Christians were often forced to have a dichotomy in their identity in Sri Lanka. In this dichotomy this Sinhala Christian group has been identifying religion-wise with Tamil Christians while ethnically they were doing the same with Sinhala Buddhists. Therefore this state of affairs has created an identity crisis for the Sinhala Christians in the bosom of the Sinhala Buddhist majority in Sri Lanka.
Conclusion
The brief analysis shows that Christians and Buddhists have been living with a kind of xenophobia in Sri Lankan society. Christians have been expanding their boundaries with the international realties, perhaps with little attention to the contextual realties around them. On the other hand Sinhala Buddhists have been strengthening their local identity with Sinhala ethnic group that have developed phobias for many groups including Christians. This shows the necessity of keeping both global and local realities in proper balance and tension by both Buddhists and Christians in Sri Lanka.
Hence it is clear that the mutual enriching and enhancing of these two world religions both sociologically and theologically could inspire “xenophilia” instead of the prevailing xenophobia in Sri Lankan society.
[1] Somaratna, G. P. V.(1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[2] Somaratna, G. P. V.(1992), Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. Sri Lanka.
[3] Gunasekara V.A.(1994), An Examination of the Institutional Forms of Buddhism in the West with Special Reference to Ethnic and Meditational Buddhism, The Buddhist Society of Queensland, PO Box 536, Toowong Qld 4066, Australia. <>http://www.buddhanet.net/bsq14.htm >
[4] Yang, F. & Ebaugh, H.E. ( 2001), ‘Religion and Ethnicity Among New Immigrants :The Impact of Majority/ Minority Status in Home and Host Countries’, Journal for Scientific Study of Religion, 40:3 p.369.
[5] Mol, Hans (Ed)(1978), Identity and Religion: International, Cross Cultural Approaches, Saga Publication Ltd, 28 Banner Street, London. p.2.
[6] Bond, G. D. (1988), The Buddhist Revival in Sri Lanka, , Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi, p.5.
[7] Smart, N. (1984), ‘The Contribution of Buddhism to the Philosophy of Religion’, in ‘Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace’, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p. 89.
[8] Davies, D.J. (1984), Meaning and Salvation in Religious Studies, E.J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands. P.1.
[9] Smart, N. (1984), ‘The Contribution of Buddhism to the Philosophy of Religion’, in Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p. 90.
[10] de Silva, L.(1980), Buddhism : Beliefs and Practices in Sri Lanka, Ecumenical Institute, 490/5, Havelock Road, Colombo 6, Sri Lanka , p.63.
[11] Gunasinghe, S. (1984), ‘Buddhism and Sinhala Rituals’, in Buddhist Contribution to World Culture and Peace, Edited by N.A. Jayawickrama, Mahendra Senanayake, Sridevi Printing Works, 27, Pepiliyana Road, Nedimala – Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, p.38.
6
WISDOM STORIES FROM RELIGIONS
HINDU
Once upon a time there was a wise merchant who had five sons. One day he asked each son to find a stick . When they each had one, their father told them to break the sticks which they did without any difficulty. Then the father colleted the broken sticks and bundled them up together to teach his sons a lesson.
Father then handed the bundle to each of the sons asking them to break it. But it was so strong no one was able to break it.
Then their father said, “ If you are bound together you are very strong”
BUDDHIST
(Elephants at Kandy Perahara , Sri Lanka)
This story was told by Buddha to show how the problems between religions are something like the Blind men and the Elephant.
Once upon a time there was a king who asked his servant to call all the blind men in the town to a certain place in that town. He then presented the blind men with a large elephant and asked each man to touch the elephant: one to touch the ear, another the tusk, another the trunk and so on. He then asked each blind man to describe the elephant. The one who touched the tusk said it was like a plough, the one who touched the tail said it was a brush, the one who touched the leg said it was a pillar. As the blind men began to disagree with each other’s views they became very cross and started hitting each other.
ISLAM
In the Quran (80.24) Allah said: “Then let man look at his food.”
You live in England and your mother prepares fish for you to eat. This fish may have come from Sri Lanka. Allah tells his followers to look at their food to see where it came from, how it came, how it was created, etc. Allah created this particular fish in a river in Sri Lanka. Then Allah gave it food and looked after it so that it grew up. Allah then caused a fisherman to catch the fish and sell it to another person. Then Allah caused that person to send the fish all the way to England where someone bought it from a stall. Then the fish was cooked and served on your table. Allah did all these things so that you could have something to eat!
CHRISTIANITY
A parable narrated by Jesus
Once a certain father had 2 sons. One day the younger son asked his father to give him his share from his father’s wealth. The father divided his wealth and gave the younger son his share. This young man took his wealth and went to a faraway country where he spent it all. Then there was a famine in the country and he had nothing to eat. In this situation he managed to get a job looking after pigs. While looking after them, as he was hungry, he ate the food their food . In this sad situation he remembered how even his father’s servants ate much better than this. Then he got up and decided to go back to his father and tell him how he had sinned against God and his father and was not worthy to be called his son. Therefore he asked his father to accept him back as one of his servants.
As he approached home he saw his father waiting for him and when his father saw him coming he was delighted and arranged a feast for him. As the feast was going on the elder brother came home after work and when he learnt that his younger brother had returned he was angry. He asked his father “ Why did you accept this your son who wasted your wealth”. Father said “ He was lost and found, therefore we should rejoice” But the elder brother was unhappy, saying that he had been there with him throughout his life but had not even received a small goat to enjoy with his friends. Then the father told him “all that I have is yours - please come and rejoice”.
7.
INTERFAITH DIALOGUE – AN APPRAISAL
As the concept called interfaith dialogue has been around for well over half a century it is high time to evaluate the effect of this notion in society. It is not a coincidence that this concept came into being as a post colonial and post Second World War reality in the context of the loss of the Western colonial power in Asian countries such as India and Sri Lanka.
A closer look at interfaith dialogue reveals that it was mainly the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian church who initiated this process. This group was ethnically composed of Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasian people along with some Europeans. This shows that for these people interfaith dialogue was a binding factor irrespective of their ethnic affiliations. One may assume that they came together for this process because of their common faith of Christianity. However to have a sound coherent understanding of this issue it is necessary to look into other factors that made them interested to commence this process called interfaith dialogue.
It is not a secret that this category called the Westernised English speaking middle class elite of the Christian Church was well established, having social and political power under British colonial rule. Under the British this power was cemented by their Christianity (especially the Anglican branch of the Christian Church). However, when colonial rule ended they lost this prime position that they had had through their faith. Not only this particular elite of the Christian church in Sri Lanka and Asia but also the Western colonial powers had to comprehend the bitter reality that Christianity was more of a hindrance rather than an assistance to keep some grip on their former colonies. Here the possible effective and evident alternative was “interfaith” rather than “Christianity.” In this process it is very intriguing to note that what they inaugurated with “interfaith” was not a “relationship” but a “dialogue.”
After more than five decades it is very apparent that the positive effect of this process is very minimal among the common people in the pews of the Christian church. Instead we can observe a very negative resistance to this dialogue by many Christians in Sri Lanka. Here it is necessary to look into this phenomenon to evaluate the effect of this concept in society.
This process took ethnicity and other grass root realities such as poverty and identity created through religion into minimum consideration. Therefore for ordinary Christians this process did not become very meaningful as a living experience. Also many ordinary Christians were frightened by what is called “syncretism,” where they believed that Christian faith would be watered down through this process called interfaith dialogue. For this reason the response especially of Charismatic and evangelical Christians to interfaith dialogue has been very pessimistic and negative.
However the fact cannot be ignored that to live in harmony we have to live together as sisters and brothers irrespective of our various identities (religious, ethnic, cultural, etc.) which are decisive in creating meaningful boundaries to feel secure in society. But the aforementioned analysis reveals that the process called interfaith dialogue has not been meaningful or powerful enough to promote and instigate this effective harmonious living in our society.
In this context what is necessary is to fashion a situation where people could reduce xenophobia, which is fear of the encounter of strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena faced by various groups in society. To responded to this situation it can be proposed that it is appropriate to introduce a progression which could be called “ xenophilia” where people are encouraged to formulate positive healthy relationships with so-called strangers, “foreigners” and unknown phenomena by crossing one’s own boundary. This process could create space for each community to wrestle with its own issues rather than handling their concerns in a structure created by somebody else to meet their own ends.
8.
Sinhala Buddhists and Christians
In Sri Lanka there are 72% of Sinhala people who speak Sinhala language and live in the predominant “Sinhala” culture. Among them about 69% profess Buddhism as their religion while others belonged to Christian faith. In the recent past, due to many reasons, there were many incidents in Sri Lanka where there were tensions between Sinhala Christians and Buddhists.
There are some Buddhists who think that Christians are henchmen of past colonial era and consider them as enemies. Some others consider them as betrayers of Sinhala ethnic group. Perhaps another important contributory phenomenon for this is the fact that Sinhala Christians share their ethnicity with Sinhala Buddhists while having their common religion with Tamil Christians. Over and above all these, the main reason for tension is related to so call unethical conversions from Buddhism to Christianity. In this present situation, how can these two religious groups, who belonged to same Sinhala ethnic group could live in with peace and harmony?
Sinhala Christians should realise that although they profess Christian faith they belonged to Sri Lankan Sinhala culture and that it is also their duty to protect and preserver this unique culture. In this context it is their responsibility to search for a common Sri Lanka Christian identity not on western values but on the gospel proclaimed by Jesus Christ. As Sinhala people it is necessary for them to have a sound understanding of Buddhism, which has contributed immensely to the development of Sinhala culture in Sri Lanka. It is important for Sinhala Christians to learn that Sinhala Christians have not got rooted in Sinhala agricultural areas where the majority of Sinhala Buddhists live.
On the other hand it is important for Sinhala Buddhists to realise that Sinhala Christians are an integral part of Sinhala ethnic group although they profess a different faith. The majority of the Christians are part and parcel of Sri Lankan society and that they are proud of their Sinhala identity. It is helpful for Sinhala Buddhists to be aware that Sinhala Christians have created a predominant Sinhala fisher culture and a sub culture in the urban areas in Sri Lanka.
In the context of the development of religious “fundamentalism” both Sinhala Christians and Buddhists should take care not to come to conclusion that “My” faith is the only true faith and therefore “I” should despise all the other faiths. It is a visible reality of the growth of these groups in both Christianity and Buddhism who use arrogant methods to condemn other religions. It is the responsibility of Sinhala people whether Christian or Buddhists to take every possible step to avoid these extreme, unhealthy positions often promoted by tiny minorities.
As universal religions, Buddhism and Christianity have been able to get rooted in many cultures and societies. Therefore it is useful for Sinhala Christians and Buddhists to learn from other Buddhists and Christians of others cultures and societies where they live in peace and harmony respecting and helping each other.
9.
The future of Tamil people in Sri Lanka
2009
The Sri Lankan Government claims that they have wiped out the LTTEers from Sri Lanka. According to Government sources all the geographical areas are now under the control of the Sri Lankan Government. Announcing this “victory” the President of Sri Lanka said that now in Sri Lanka there are no “minorities” but only two sections of the society. They are the people “who love the Motherland” and those “who don’t love the Motherland”. In this whole dilemma it is important to look into the future of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.
Although the President declared that hereafter there are no minorities in Sri Lanka, the Tamil people will continue to speak Tamil and maintain their unique cultures in Sri Lanka. As we consider this issue it should be taken into consideration that in this post modern era where different cultures and languages meet in the same market place people have been strengthening their identities to become meaningful entities in society. Sociologists are gradually realising that the Western expectation of the “Melting Pot” theory of the past century, where people are expected to integrate into the main culture, creating this “pot”, is not happening.
After this “humanitarian” war many Tamil people from the former LTTE controlled areas are now in the IDP (internally displaced people) camps. According to Government sources they now trust the Government and they have given up their allegiances to the LTTE regime. When we met these people we could notice the confusion in these people. For instance one elderly lady told us that she was not an LTTEer but two of her sons are “Mahaweerans” (literary meaning Great heroes). The Sri Lanka Tamil term Mahaweeran is very much similar to “Ranaviruwo” (literary war hero) in Sinhala. The term in Tamil, Mahaweeran, is pregnant with meaning and it gives strength and courage to Tamil people in the same way that the Ranaviruwo functions among many Sinhala people. As the realities of this nature among Tamil people are going to remain for a very long time there will be repercussions from this in time to come. At the moment it is too early to predict these repercussions as these people are in a desperate situation as IDPs.
The fact that LTTE was well established in many countries such as Canada and England is going to affect the future endeavours of Sri Lanka regarding Tamil people in particular. Although the militant group who were called terrorists because of their actions are defeated, the concerns that they presented to keep their power locally and globally are still lingering all over the world. The huge number of IDPs from so-called former LTTE controlled areas will contribute to keeping alive and strengthening these concerns in the global scene.
In all the celebrations, especially in the South of Sri Lanka, after the defeat of the LTTE, the impression is given that all the “minorities” have to live at the mercy of the majority. For instance a 10 year old girl asked me why is that people are using the Buddhist flag to celebrate victory over the LTTE. Then she said it may be to show that they are against Hindus because Hindus are generally Tamils. I strongly believe that we are called to learn a lesson from this innocent 10 year old girl who represents the future generation of our country.
In this post modern era if we are to have lasting peace we have to respect the self determination and the boundary maintenance of Tamil people in Sri Lanka. Everything possible should be done to fashion positive and constructive leadership to fill up the huge gap created by the downfall of the LTTE in Sri Lanka. To have positive results this should be done by the Tamil people for Tamil people. Others may act as facilitators without disturbing the natural course of acting in this regard.
10
Call for Moral Passover from Babel to Pentecost
Sri Lanka is a land blessed with people from various cultures, languages and religions who live in this Island, making it their motherland. History tells us that although at times they have had tensions, generally they been living together with a spirit of tolerance, respecting each other’s differences. This was apparent in Sri Lankan kingdoms before the 16th century, prior to Western colonisation. For instance, in medieval times the image of the bull was removed from the moonstones - Sandakada pahana - as it was a sacred animal in Hinduism. In this way people lived in diversity but in unity rather than unity in diversity.
Things began to change from the 16th century with colonising by the Portuguese, Dutch and British who came from homogeneous, ethno-religious identities dominated by one language. Portuguese spoke Portuguese and acknowledged the Roman Catholic form of Christianity, while the Dutch spoke Dutch and accepted the 'reformed' faith. The British, who were the first foreign power to conquer and occupy the whole island, spoke English and their established Christian religion was that of the Anglican Church. Drastic changes took place under British rule and the whole island was governed by a homogeneous ethos, giving prominence to the English language and Anglicanism. English gradually became the official language and the Anglican Church was the main Christian church of the colony of Ceylon.
When Sri Lanka gained independence from the British Empire in 1948, Sri Lankans did not have a clear model to replace this homogeneous form of English and Anglicanism. Each group was determine to promote its own language, religion and culture without having a clear vision of harmonious existence as one nation in their motherland. Today, at the beginning of the 21st century, this has led to ethno-religious and cultural tensions, bringing chaos to this Paradise Island. How, then, should Christians live in harmony in this multi-religious, cultural and linguist context? What sort of inspiration can we derive from the the scriptures?
The story of the tower of Babel tells us how human beings who spoke one language wanted to build a tower to reach up to Heaven so as not to be scattered over the face of the earth. They became inward looking and sought to create a powerful a culture of their own based on one language. This is a valuable lesson for us today in Sri Lanka. As Sinhala, Tamil and Eurasians we have been trying to build our own towers of Babel to reach Heaven. We have became very self centred and selfish with our own languages and cultures. We have become confused, having to speak many languages. It is evident that our towers of Sinhala, Tamil and English are falling down, but we make desperate efforts to keep them standing and active. This is true both of the church and of the state. Often we Christians boast that we have people from all the three main language groups in Sri Lanka. Does this mean that we are free from contributing to the building and maintaining our own towers of Babel?
The story of Pentecost gives us the best model to adopt in this chaotic situation. The first Pentecost brought people from many cultures together, but not on the basis of one language or culture. What brought them together was the spirit of truth rather than their religious institutions. Though they spoke in their own languages they were able to understand each other.
How is it that today we can speak in our own languages yet understand each other? We see this among small children. I have seen this at the Theological College of Lanka Pilimatalawa. When children come together from Sinhala, Tamil and English backgrounds they speak their own languages yet understand one another. Then gradually they begin to speak each other’s languages. I remember a small Tamil boy challenging me when I spoke to him in my broken Tamil. He said: “Why are you speaking to me in Tamil? Speak to me in Sinhala because I understand Sinhala.” He said this in English!
We should remember that God has created diversity for us to celebrate, not to divide us.. In the sight of God all languages and cultures are equally valuable. Let us not be in such a hury to condemn sister faiths in our country. As Christians we are called to have the mind of Jesus. When the Samaritan women at the well asked Jesus the right place for worship He said it was not in the mountain nor in Jerusalem but we should worship God in spirit and in truth. He told his disciples that when the spirit of truth comes he would lead them into all truths. The most important thing is to obey the spirit of truth in all our endeavours and not condemn those who are not in our camp. Remember the response of Jesus when his disciples rebuked those who healed the sick in His name. Jesus said: “Those who are not against us are for us”
As human beings and Christians we should learn to live in symbiosis with other people of cultures, religions and languages. To do we must learn to think globally but act locally. Otherwise we may become global people who forget their roots or have the temptation to become too local and forget the global realities.
Therefore as mature human beings and Christians let us learn to be local in the context of our global world and to think globally without being isolated from local realities.
11
Sumanagiri Viharaya and Lanka Devadharma Shastralaya (The Sumanagiri Buddhist Temple and the Theological College of Lanka) – Three decades of “Xenophilia”
In December 2008 the Christmas programme with cultural elements organised by the Theological College of Lanka was held in an unconventional manner in the Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya. Devotees of the temple extended their cooperation by supporting the arrangements for the programme and by supplying short eats and sweet meats to entertain the brothers and sisters who came to the temple from the Theological College.
The saga did not end with Christmas: five months later in May 2009 a Wesak programme organised by the Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya was held at the Theological College of Lanka. The children of the temple’s Daham Pasala or Sunday school and the children of the Nandana Pre School of the Theological College of Lanka took part in the programme by singing Wesak Bhakthi Gee or Wesak Carols. This programme was facilitated by a Long Vacation Field Education Group of the Theological College of Lanka. At the end of the programme the community of the Theological College of Lanka extended their hospitality to the brothers and sisters of the village who shared responsibility in making this programme a visible reality.
These two noteworthy exceptional programmes were held not as isolated happenings but as a result of the long and affable relationship which has been growing steadily for over three decades.
It was in the 1980s that the then Principal of the Theological College of Lanka invited the Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero to teach at the College. As this invitation was gladly accepted by the then Chief monk of Sri Sumanagiri Viharaya (which is commonly called the Kudugala Pansala), the relationship between these two institutions started by sending Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero to teach Buddhist Philosophy and Sinhala literature to the theological students at the College.
This mental feeding through the teachings of the Ven. Pallagama Dhammissara Thero was strengthened by the mutual physical feeding through a natural process. Sometimes when the monk came for lectures the College made arrangements for him to have Dhana (midday meal) at the College while some students enjoyed the food offered by (members) Dhayakas of the Temple.
In the mid 80s, when the Ven Pallagama Dhammissara Thero was physically getting weak, he introduced his chief disciple, Ven. Buddumulle Sumanaratene Thero, to teach practical Sinhala to the Tamil students at the College, enhancing the continuation of this link by handing over the responsibility to the next generation. Gradually Ven. Sumanaratane Thero took over from his guru the responsibility of teaching both practical Sinhala and Buddhism at the College and he still teaches Buddhism to the students. From time to time he has also been functioning as a patron of the Sinhala association of the Theological College.
Now all over the island of Sri Lanka Sumararatne Thero has students who are Christian priests. This has created a lasting impact on society to facilitate Xenophilia especially among Christians and Buddhists in Sri Lanka.
This exemplary relationship between these two institutions was possible because of the renunciation of strong boundary maintenance of these two establishments for the mutual spiritual growth. Through this natural ongoing and growing relationship both parties are able to learn from each other, which in turn has enriched them socially and spiritually.
12
Significance and Derivation of Christmas
Why do people celebrate Christmas? A straightforward answer to this question is that Christmas is the birthday of Christ. Does this mean that Jesus was born on the 25th December? No, it does not mean that He was born on December 25th. The truth is that nobody knows the day on which Jesus was born. Then one may ask the reason for celebrating Christmas on the 25th December every year. This is a complex and complicated story, which needs to be investigated to have a sound understanding of Christmas.
It is clear that the early Christians did not celebrate the birthday of Christ. In the New Testament of the Bible, apart from the records of the birth of Christ we do not find any record of these early followers of Jesus Christ celebrating the birthday of their leader and master. This is not something surprising as Jesus was a Jew and most of the early followers of Jesus were Jewish people. For Jews birthdays were not very important as for the Romans or Greeks. In this background the only clear birthday recorded in the New Testament is the birthday celebration of King Herod, after which event John the Baptist, the forerunner of Jesus, was beheaded.
According to the generally accepted history of the Christian Church Christmas has been celebrated on 25th December since 354CE. Before this time, and after the New Testament period, this festival was celebrated on 6th January. It is necessary to understand the context of January 6th to comprehend the festival that was celebrated on this date. In pagan antiquity 6th January was the feast of Dionysus the Greek vegetarian god of wine. It was the belief of the followers of this god that by transforming water into wine this god revealed his divine power. Very probably, when the early Christians gradually initiated the celebration of the incarnation of God in Jesus the established legend of Dionysus would have created a significant ground to make the nativity of Jesus effective and meaningful. This is clear in the way in which they celebrated the Epiphany on the 6th January by commemorating the feast of the power of revelation of their God in a way by displacing the feast of the epiphany of Dionysus.
On the other hand the gradual development of 25th December as the nativity of Christ from the mid 4th century cannot be understood without a sound understanding of the mid winter festivals of the ancient world. These festivals were especially prominent in ancient Babylon and Egypt. At the same time Germanic fertility festivals were also held during this winter season. Along with the winter festivals the birth of the sun god was particularly associated with 25th December. For instance, the births of the ancient sun god Attis in Phrygia and the Persian sun god Mithras were celebrated on December 25th. The Roman festival of Saturn (Saturnalia), the god of peace and plenty, was from 17th to 24th December. These festivals were held with great festivity along with public gatherings, exchange of gifts and candles, etc.
Apart from these origins there are many other customs and traditions from other cultures which are embedded with Christmas. For instance the custom of decorating homes and altars with evergreen leaves of holly and mistletoe during the Christmas season came from the ancient Celtic culture of the British Isles where they revered all green plants as important symbols of fertility. The tradition of calling Christmas Yule tide in many countries is derived from an ancient ritual of burning Yule logs as part of a pagan ceremony associated with vegetation and fire. This community act was performed with the expectation of magical and spiritual powers. It is believed that the widely venerated Saint Francis of Assisi introduced the practice of making cribs by making a model of the scenes of nativity to re-enact the birth of Christ in order to bring spiritual revival to the laity. As is common knowledge, singing is part and parcel of almost all cultures of the world. In the background of this “cultural universal” singing of the carols for Christmas appeared in the Middle Ages and by the 14th century this custom became an integral part of the religious observances of the birth of Christ. Apart from these customs, rituals and ceremonies there are many other traditions such as the Christmas tree and the observance of saint days that are intertwined with the celebration of Christmas.
When Christmas began to be celebrated on the 25th December this festival became meaningful to people as it was able to enrich the birth of Christ by absorbing the meaningful festivals already celebrated in society. This is the core factor that has made Christmas so important for people all over the world. In this particular context it is clear that Christmas is not a mere birthday party for Jesus Christ. It is a festival of light and life. This is clear in the following Bible verses taken from the traditional Bible passage read for Christmas from St. John’s Gospel (St. John 1.1-14),
“In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God. All things came into being through him, and without him not one thing came into being. What has come into being in him was life, and the life was the light of all people.
The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness did not overcome it…..”
Christmas has the power to bring many cultures, traditions and symbols together to uplift humanity to divinity and bring down the divine to humanity. It is the responsibility of Christians and others concerned to make this festival meaningful by adsorbing all life affirming and light generating festivals and activities to this festival. We can see that already this has happened commercially. It is our responsibility to make this happen ethically, morally, culturally and spiritually.
The necessity for this responsibility springs up in the post war contexts of many countries as there are people who still exist in bleak life threatening situations. Here the message of Christmas in not to look into their caste, code, class, ethnicity or religion, but to accept and honour them by respecting them and making them understand that their liberation and redemption is tied up with the salvation of whole humanity.
The Socio-Historical Context of the Christian community in Sri Lanka
v Christianity before the Portuguese
The island of Sri Lanka, located in the Indian Ocean, and situated at the southern tip of India, has been influenced by many cultures and religions of the world, at least from the era of the Indo, Chinese and Mesopotamian civilisations, the three great civilisations of the world. People, especially traders, travelled to Sri Lanka, due to its geographical location, which gave strategic importance to this country.[1] Archaeological evidence has been found which proves beyond doubt that this island nation was not isolated from the rest of the world in the course of human history.[2] This shows that many cultures and religions were moving across this island, influencing and reshaping the activities of the country.[3]
A book called Christian Topography (Ancient Greek: Χριστιανικὴ Τοπογραφία, Latin: Topographia Christiana) written in Greek in the 6th century by a person named Cosmos, records the existence of a Christian community in Sri Lanka. According to the author of this book, there was a Church with a Priest, a Deacon and the equipment necessary for the worship of Christians in Sri Lanka. In this work, first published in the original Greek by a Benedictine, and now translated into several languages, Cosmos says,
“ Even in Taprobane, an island in further India, where the Indian Sea is, there is a Church of Christians with clergy and a body of believers,” [4]
This Taprobane is undoubtedly Ceylon, for Cosmos says,
“It is called Seilediba by the Indians, but by the Greeks Taprobane”. [5]
Referring to this Christian Church, he says again in the Eleventh book, in which he describes Ceylon:
“ The island has also a Church of Persian Christians, who have settled there, and a Presbyter who is appointed from Persia, and a Deacon and a complete ecclesiastical ritual. But the natives and their kings are heathen.” [6]
There are two archaeological finds in Sri Lanka that may be considered parallel to the above account of the existence of Christians in the country. The first evidence, coming from Anuradhapura, is a Persian cross belonging to the Nestorian Church; archaeologists unearthed this in 1912.[7] A Baptismal font found in Mannar, and presently kept in the Vaunia museum, is the second evidence, and is also an artefact likely to belong to the Persian Nestorian Church. The popular belief is that even if there were Christians they were foreigners who did not have much to do with the affairs of Sri Lanka. But this popular belief is challenged with the discovery of the Mannar baptismal font, which was most probably used to baptise Christians in Sri Lanka.[8]
According to Chulavamsa, the supplement to the Sinhala great chronicle Mahawamsa, a minister called Migara built a temple and dedicated it to a person called Abisheka Jena. In the Pali language Jena means a person who has conquered himself, and Abisheka is the anointed or the enthroned one. The quotation from the Culavamsa is given below:
“The Senapati by name Migara, built a parivena called after himself and a house for the victor Abiseka. He sought (permission to hold) a consecration festival for it even greater than that of the stone image of the Buddha.” [9]
Professor Senarath Paranavithna, the first Sri Lankan Archaeological Commissioner, says that this Temple was dedicated to Christ, which means the anointed or enthroned one in Greek. In the scholarly account of the story of Sigiriya by Professor Senarath Paranavithna, the author shows that this minister, Migara, from South India, was a Christian who laboured to spread Christianity in Sri Lanka.[10] Migara had served in the courts of both the kings Kashshepa and Mugalan in the 5th and 6th centuries AD. Along with these records, among the archaeological discoveries there were Greek, Roman and other Near Eastern objects of Christian influence from the 1st century, found in Sri Lanka. From the 6th century to the beginning of the 16th century there are isolated records that could be connected with the existence of Christians in Sri Lanka.[11] Hence it is clear that Sri Lanka was not isolated from the influence of Christianity before the arrival of the Portuguese in Sri Lanka. Yet unlike India, when the Portuguese arrived here there was no clear evidence of the existence of Christian communities in Sri Lanka.
The introduction of Christianity and its impact in the context of Western Colonialism -The arrival of the Portuguese
v Divided and devastated Kingdoms of Sri Lanka
When the Portuguese arrived in Sri Lanka at the beginning of the 16th century it was a time of great political instability in this country. During this period Sri Lanka was divided into three kingdoms, namely Kotte, Kandy and Jaffna.[12] However, the goodwill between the kingdoms was not healthy for the integrity of Sri Lanka. Not only between the kingdoms, but also within the kingdoms, there were power struggles which brought the Sri Lankan context into a very much weaker position politically and economically. At the beginning the Portuguese did not have any intention of getting involved in the affairs of the divided and devastated kingdoms of this land. Their two main intentions involved their interest in spices and the spread of Christianity. To win new lands for Christ was a responsibility given by the Pope in the context of the Christian reformation in the west. The official statement issued by the Pope, outlining this responsibility through the Vatican, was called Padroado. Regarding the Padroado and the King of Portugal, F.Houtart has observed,
“Just as the Papacy had granted to the Portuguese sovereigns the right of conquest, so also it granted to them the right to supervise the ecclesiastical organisation. The king, a political actor, the organiser of the commercial enterprise, and consequently an economic actor, became by this fact a religious actor too” [13]
v The kingdom of Kotte.
The Kotte kingdom became the most important and powerful kingdom of Sri Lanka during the reign of King Parakrama Bahu VI (1414-1467A.D.). This was a period of revival and of great cultural activity, where agriculture, religion and literature flourished. King Parakrama Bahu VI was called “chakravarti” or the Emperor of Sri Lanka, and other sub-kings or rulers of the other areas paid tribute to this great King and honoured him. After him six kings ruled Sri Lanka from 1468 to 1521. However, none of them were powerful enough to exert power over the other kings and rulers of this country. This was mainly due to the conflicts and crises of the royal families.
After the above historical era one of the main tragedies in the history of Sri Lanka took place during the reign of King Vijaya Bahu (1509-1521). This was the murder of King Vijaya Bahu, and it led to the division of his kingdom into three parts, each ruled by his three sons. Buvaneka Bahu became the King of Kotte, Mayadunne the King of Sitawaka, and Raigambandara, the King of Raigama. Mayadunne was a man who, wanting to expand his kingdom, with one stroke of his sword annexed Raigama and established his power and authority. This made Buvaneka Bahu, a weak ruler, afraid, and so he invited the Portuguese to protect him from his brother Mayadunne.[14] During this era, since the Portuguese dominated the affairs of the Indian Ocean by diminishing the authority of Muslims, they welcomed this invitation gladly. This paved the way for the Portuguese to enter into the internal politics of our country. Ultimately this invitation of Buvaneka Bahu, instigated for a political purpose, became a landmark in the history of the Christian Church in Sri Lanka.[15]
v The Portuguese and Christianity in midst of political instability in Sri Lanka
When the Portuguese began to understand the great political instability of Sri Lanka, they gradually penetrated the political arena of the country by using this instability as their main weapon. In the midst of this political instability, Portuguese missionaries wisely kept their distance from the power struggle within Sri Lanka. Even though the missionaries maintained this distance, they were supported and protected by the Portuguese colonial power. Portuguese missionaries and their mission were very clearly a part and parcel of the Portuguese colonial expansionism. [16]
v The impact of Conversion to Christianity
Conversion of the members of the royal family and elite
Though King Buwanakabahu of Kotte enlisted the assistance of the Portuguese he did not become a Christian. This may be due to the fact that he did not want to displease the ordinary Buddhist people of Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, he invited Christian missionaries to come to Sri Lanka. As a response to this invitation five Franciscan missionaries came to Sri Lanka and began their work in the kingdom of Kotte. These missionaries were entrusted the task of educating the young prince Dharmapala who was the heir to the throne of the kingdom of Kotte. The King of Portugal enthroned this prince according to the invitation by the King Buwanakabahu. Regarding this enthronement, P.H.D.H.de Silva has observed,
“The embassy despatched by King Bhuvaneka Bahu VII of Kotte entrusting the custody and protection of his grandson Prince Don Juan Dharmapala to the King of Portugal reached Lisbon in August 1541. The envoy carried a royal sannasa or ola requesting that King John III of Portugal be pleased to acknowledge and proclaim Prince Dharmapala as the rightful and lawful heir to the Sinhala Throne after the demise of King Bhuvaneka Bahu. The King of Kotte also sent an effigy of the Prince which was deposited in an ivory casket, the panel of which were carved with historical scenes relevant to the Kingdom of Kotte.”[17]
Therefore the prince Dharmapala had a Christian upbringing right from the beginning of his childhood. This created a new page in the history of the royal dynasty in Sri Lanka. Here we see how a tension between two brothers, Mayadunne and Buwanakabahu, brought into existence a Christian royal court, which became a decisive factor in the future history of Sri Lanka.
In the kingdom of Jaffna at the beginning of the 16th century the King of Jaffna, Pararajasekarm VII, gave the Portuguese freedom to spread Christianity in his Kingdom. He even donated lands to Portuguese missionaries and allowed them to build a Church and a monastery. Although this King of Jaffna did not become a Christian, because of his assistance the missionary work of the Franciscans became successful. The next king of Jaffna, Chekarasasekaram, commonly called Sankili, was against the Portuguese and Christians, because he thought that the Portuguese and Christians were a threat to him and to his Kingdom.[18] Under the above circumstances the son of the former King escaped to Colombo and begged the protection of the Portuguese. From the Portuguese missionaries he received baptism as Don Constantine. Later he went to Gova in India and studied theology, becoing a Roman Catholic priest. He became the first Sri Lankan Franciscan priest, and two of his sisters became nuns in the Roman Catholic Church. These members of the royal family of Jaffna received their baptism on June 18, 1623, in a ceremony organised by the Portuguese[19] . There is a tombstone in Lisbon which can be seen even today of a Prince called Don Joao who became a priest and died in 1642 in Lisbon. With a picture of the above tombstone S.G. Perera has observed,
“ This is the translation of what is inscribed: “ Here lie buried the bones of Prince of Kandy who built this sacred edifice to Mary.” [20]
According to T. Kolamunne the below mentioned are some of the other members of the royal families in Sri Lanka who received baptism from the Portuguese:
Jayaweera Bandara: He was the son of King Wickramabahu, the King of Kandy. He was baptised by the Portuguese in order to get protection from king Rajasinghe of Seetawaka.
Karaliyadde Bandara: Just like his father, King Jayaweera Bandara, he also received baptism from the Portuguese so as to get protection from King Rajasinghe of Seetawaka.
Weerasundara Bandara: Another prince of Kandy who needed the protection of the Portuguese as he was frightened of King Rajasinghe of Seetawaka. He was sent to Gova in India and received baptism as Victor Lepano.
Dona Catarina (Dona Kusumasana Devi): She was the Daughter of Karaliyadde Bandara. She was baptized as a small child and brought up by the Portuguese in the Roman Catholic faith. Later the Portuguese tried to make her the King of Kandy but failed. Consequently she became the queen of King Wimaladharmasooriya and King Senerath. [21]
Here we see that the conversion of the members of the royal family took place due to various sociological circumstances of that time. In this manner the wisdom of the Christian church began to influence the royal court of Sri Lanka. On the other hand the wisdom of the Sri Lankan royal court was able to influence the Christian church through the members of the Sri Lankan royal court who became priests and nuns of Christendom. [22]
v Conversion of the ordinary people in Sri Lanka.
At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, conversion from one religion to another was quite strange to the people in Sri Lanka. During that era almost all the Sinhalese were Buddhist, the Tamils were Hindus and the Muslims believed in the Islamic faith. The caste system among Tamils decided the place of individuals and families in society and religion. They inherited this position by their birth, and no factor, religious or social, was influential enough to change this so-called unchangeable place given to them by their birth. Even in Buddhism, though Buddha vehemently rejected the caste system, caste played a decisive role in establishing the positions of Sinhala people in society. This caste system decided the employment that they should get involved with for their livelihood. Therefore during this period the class structure in society was entirely decided by the caste system of both Sinhalese and Tamils. In both set-ups, farming communities were considered as the highest caste and class in society.[23]
In the light of all this, when Christianity was offered to the people of Sri Lanka, those who became Christians did so due to various reasons. The Portuguese coming from the West paid no regard to the caste system that prevailed in Sri Lanka. They were willing to work with people from any caste, and so this gave a marvellous opportunity for people from the so-called lower castes to step into the main stream of the affairs of Sri Lanka. To have this paradigm sociological shift some people from the so-called lower castes embarrassed Christianity and entered into the main stream of affairs in Sri Lanka.
Regarding the conversion of the Karava caste ( fisher folk of the coastal area), M. D. Raghavan has observed,
“The readiness to embrace Christianity arose from many causes. Being comparative new comers, the Karava were less enmeshed in the intricacies of the Sinhala social structure. Lesser involvement in the feudalism of the time gave them greater freedom of action.” [24]
This shows that, in the conversion of the fisher folk of the Karava caste, there were two main sociological factors involved. First, they were relative newcomers to the area. Most probably they started migrating from the 11 century AD. [25] On the other hand their lives were not rooted in the agricultural feudal system that grew up with the influence of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. These factors made the context ready for these people to embrace Christianity more easily than most of the other people in Sri Lanka, who were well-established in the Sri Lankan feudal set-up. [26]
When the members of the royal family became Christians some ordinary people in Sri Lanka were driven towards Christianity. This was mainly due to the unwritten norm that the people should believe in the religion of the rulers of the country.
Portuguese Christian missionaries were unmarried celibates who led a simple lifestyle. They came to Sri Lanka, leaving their relations and wealth in their country. They dedicated their lives to the service of the common people. They lived among common people, looking after their needs and wants. Though they were supported and protected by the Portuguese government they did not depend on them entirely. At the same time they did not work for a monthly salary from the government or elsewhere. They always kept the tension and balance with the Portuguese government with regard to religious matters. The above factors brought the common people closer to the Portuguese missionaries, which resulted in some common people becoming Christians. In this set up it became inevitable that the common folk in Sri Lanka compared the Buddhist monks with the Christian priests. It is in the nature of Buddhism that Buddhist monks depended on the alms given by the lay people. Monks in Buddhism should be respected and venerated by the lay people as the protectors of Dharma. In this manner lay people saw a difference between Buddhist monks and Roman Catholic priests in society.
In Mannar, which was part of the Jaffna Kingdom, there were Christians within the fishing communities even before the arrival of the Portuguese, through the missionary work of Francis Xavier, an effective missionary in India. [27] The main reason for this was the geographical closeness of Mannar to South India. During the reign of King Chekarasasekaram or Sankili, who thought that the Portuguese and Christians were a threat to him, he requested the Christians in Mannar to come back to their former faith, which was Hinduism. When the Christians in Mannar did not listen to the request of Sankili he sent an army to Mannar in 1544 and massacred about 600 Christians including children and women. In 1560 the Portuguese sent once again an army to Mannar and established their power, building a fort there. The Christians whom Sankili had affected and whose relations he had killed welcomed this victory by the Portuguese. These poor fisherfolk, who were very angry with Sankili, became stronger in their Roman Catholic faith and supported the Portuguese. Sociologically, we see how the colonial government of the Portuguese, who were considered as the oppressors, became the saviour of the poor people oppressed by a Sri Lankan King. Against this background the Portuguese used the Franciscan and Jesuit missionaries to win more people to the Roman Catholic faith.[28]
v Sri Lankan Spirituality and 16th Century Christianity of the Portuguese rule.
The Portuguese, at the time of their arrival in Sri Lanka at the beginning of the 16th century, had the notion that they were a nation chosen by God to carry His name to the ends of the earth for the extension of His kingdom. Therefore when the Portuguese established their power in other lands it was viewed as a divine work fulfilled by them for God. According to them God was omnipotent, omniscient and omnipresent, and therefore none could question Him or His activities. With the above context of concepts the Portuguese came to the conclusion that Sri Lanka was a barbarous nation under the power of the devil, and so they tried to bring this nation on to the correct path by abolishing the religions such as Buddhism and Hinduism, which, according to them, were the sources of the power of the devil.[29] This attitude of the Portuguese was a strange religious phenomenon for the people in Sri Lanka, who found it extremely difficult to understand this. Commenting on the Portuguese influence in the social sphere through Christianity, G. C. Mendis has observed,
“Their main contribution was in the social sphere. They introduced a new form of religion - Roman Catholic Christianity - which differed from Hinduism and Buddhism in organisation, dogmas and doctrines, ritual and forms of worship, while some of their manners and customs adopted by the upper classes who came into contact with them and by the converts to Christianity.[30]”
v Portuguese influences on Sri Lankan society with the Christian values.
With the Portuguese Sri Lankan society received the Gospel of Christ along with the descendents of the Portuguese. With this change Sri Lanka society inherited the Christian churches with new forms of music, and festivals such as Christmas and Easter. This music was powerful enough to create a new form of music called “Kapiricha” which is very popular in Sri Lanka. It is accepted that “Kapiricha” is a combination of Latin church music and folk music of Sri Lanka. Today many scholars accept this form of music as one of the traditional forms of music of Sri Lanka [31]. Even the modern Sri Lankan theatre is greatly influenced by Portuguese dramas, which have been staged on religious themes [32]. Christian festivals such as Christmas and Easter have become national events making an impact on the life of Sri Lankan people. Schools and hospitals for the general public and homes for orphan children are permanent institutions that Sri Lankan society inherited from this colonial power of the 16th and 17th centuries through the Christian ethics of that era.
The architecture of buildings, both homes and official building, underwent a drastic change with the influence of the Portuguese. The family life of ordinary people was changed in a number of areas that are very important in the affairs of the country. Marital rites changed with Christian customs and practices, among which the encouragement of monogamy and the registration of marriage became vital. Habits and practices, food and dress, personal names and words in the languages used by people are other areas where the Portuguese have left an inseparable imprint on the society of Sri Lanka. Habits such as having parties with music and dancing, and burying the bodies of dead people in one common place called a cemetery (the root meaning of cemetery being the churchyard) are a few among many practices that Sri Lanka common people inherited from them. Portuguese dress like the skirt and blouse, trouser and shirt have remained in Sri Lanka going through various stages of change. The eating of the flesh of the pig (pork) and foods such as kokis, cutlets and patties are also some of the food customs that the people of Sri Lanka inherited from them. Many words like dora for door, bitti for walls, pigan for plates and sabattu for shoes got into the ordinary languages of the people of Sri Lanka.[33] Many personal names and surnames became popular under the influence of the Portuguese. Surnames such as Perera, Fernando and Silva and personal names like Peduru, Simiyon and Davith can be identified in this regard. [34]
Regarding these influences and the social change that they brought about G.C. Mendis has observed,
“…. The Portuguese brought about changes in the areas they occupied and to small extent even outside. They did not look down upon the Sinhalese and the Tamils but mixed with them and intermarried with them. As a result many persons including some of the upper class, followed Portuguese customs and manners. They followed Portuguese forms of architecture in building houses, adopting the broad window called Janela and the round form of tile still commonly used in the island. In their houses they sometimes adopted furniture of the type uses by the Portuguese. Words like janela, mese (table) and almariya (wardrobe) are derived from Portuguese. It became also the fashion to adopt the Portuguese forms of dress. Words such as kamisa (shirt), kilisan (trousers), mes (stockings), lensuwa (handkerchief), alpenetti (pins), bottama (button) are also derived from Portuguese.” *
Arrival and influence of popular and Protestant Christianity in the context of Dutch colonisation
v The Dutch and Portuguese in the background of European reformation and the impact on the Sri Lankan Christian church.
* Mendis G.C. -1956- Ceylon today and yesterday P.53, Associated newspapers of Ceylon LTD, Lake House Colombo.
In the 16th century there was a great renaissance in Europe. In this renaissance there was an awakening in three main areas, these being the passion for new knowledge, inventing new lands, and the rise of nationalism. The main religion of Europe of that time, Christianity, underwent a great change in the context of the European renaissance. Many European countries, including Holland from where the Dutch people came to Sri Lanka, challenged the Pope and the church centred around Rome. In this conflict the first colonial power to Sri Lanka, the Portuguese, took the side of the Pope and the church centred around Rome. The second colonial power, the Dutch, belonged to the Reformed Church, which was against the Pope and the church centred around Rome. Therefore when the Dutch took over Sri Lanka from the Portuguese in 1658 they were not just taking over political power from the previous regime. The Dutch hated the Portuguese who supported the Roman church. At the same time they hated the religious practises of the Portuguese that had became common in most of the reformed churches in the West.
In this particular set-up, after capturing power from the Portuguese the Dutch did all that they could to wipe out all the political and religious influences of the Portuguese from Sri Lanka. The Dutch prohibited the Roman Catholic faith along with the other faiths and destroyed all their churches and institutions. The entire population of Roman Catholic priests was banished from Sri Lanka. Roman Catholic priests who lived secretly were killed, and people who gave protection to Roman Catholic priests were punished. [36] Reformed rites of marriage and baptism were made compulsory. The Roman Catholic children were forced to attend the Dutch schools. Those who did not reject the Roman Catholic faith were isolated from society and were not given any government employment. Under the above circumstances most of the converts to the Roman Catholic faith gave up their new faith. Of these, some embraced the Reformed faith of the Dutch while others went back to their former faiths of Buddhism and Hinduism. Whoever remained faithful to the Roman Catholic faith underwent suffering and persecution under the Dutch. A considerable number of Roman Catholics from the coastal areas escaped to the upcountry kingdom and begged the protection of King Ragasinghe II; they settled in Ratnapura, Ruwanwella, Kandy, Wagoda and Wahakotte. Later these settlements became Roman Catholic villages [37].
These conflicts between the Dutch and the Portuguese could not be understood by the people of Sri Lanka. It was hard for the Sri Lankans to understand why one Christian nation was persecuting another. The influence of these conflicts on the Christian church in Sri Lanka can be analysed from different angles.
The visible numerical growth of the Roman Catholic population in Sri Lanka suddenly decreased[38], but those who remained faithful to Roman Catholicism became integrated into the realities of Sri Lanka. So these people who embraced the Roman Catholic faith due to various reasons during the colonial era of the Portuguese redefined their faith in this new context of persecution.
v Dutch impact on the life of Sri Lankan people and the Christian Church
When the Dutch people conquered the Island of Sri Lanka in 1658 the coastal areas that were in the hands of Portuguese came under their power. The Dutch did not get involved in as many wars as the Portuguese people did in Sri Lanka, and therefore they had a relatively peaceful stay in this land. Yet in the field of proclaiming their brand of Christianity they were not successful. At the beginning of Dutch rule in Sri Lanka, priests such as Pilippu Baldeus tried to evangelise fisher folk both in Galle and Jaffna, but the fact that they were directly under the Dutch colonial rule and that the Dutch Trade Company was paying them controlled their activities according to the wishes of the Dutch Governor and the high officials [39]. On the other hand, their brand of Christianity was that of a middle class Church that did not have many visual aids in their worship, and because of that the Dutch brand of Christianity could not make a remarkable lasting impact on the life of the people of Sri Lanka.
On the other hand, through their form of Christianity they were able to make an impact, changing the life of Sri Lankan people to a different direction. They had a fairly well-organised school system under their missionaries in Sri Lanka. In these schools Sri Lankans were used as teachers. To train these local teachers and to train pastors for their local congregations they established seminaries in Sri Lanka. In the coastal areas under Dutch power the Dutch imposed a rule making it compulsory to send children to school for their education. The Dutch took steps to introduce a systematic way of registering births, marriages and deaths for the first time in Sri Lanka. It became important in the areas controlled by the Dutch to get these three important events of one’s life registered to become a real citizen of that area. To find employment in the Dutch Government these registrations became a necessary qualification. Under Dutch Government locally trained people called Palliaguru did all these registrations in their Churches or Church school buildings under the supervision of the Dutch priests in Sri Lanka. According to the Christian faith of that time, the registration of birth or so-called Christian baptism was especially the symbolic entry to the Christian Church. [40] Therefore when the Dutch registered a birth or baptised a person they counted that person as a Christian. But when Sri Lanka people received baptism they had a very little understanding of becoming a Christian through baptism, and so the registration of birth or so-called baptism could not make a strong religious impact, although it was able to have an influence on the society of Sri Lanka.
In the Christian church marriage is an important activity of faith. When local people came to church to register their marriage it confirmed the fact that these people had accepted the Christian faith, yet in the minds of most people who came to church to register their marriage it was just another ritual and a way of getting acceptance for their marriages in the new form of Government in Sri Lanka.
In 1737, for the first time in Sri Lankan history, the Dutch introduced the printing press and made the printed document available. Even this was introduced mainly through the Christian Church. The first and foremost printed documents available in Sri Lanka were the prayer books, hymn books [41] and translations of sections of the Bible for the use of the Dutch schools and churches in Sri Lanka. With the introduction of the printing press it became possible for the Dutch to make documents available in Sinhala and Tamil. Here, for the first time in the history of the Christian Church and the history of Sri Lanka some sections of the Bible were translated into Sinhala and Tamil in the printed form. [42]
The school system, along with the printing press, changed the reading habits of the ordinary people. Through the schools ordinary people learnt to read and write. Printing presses supplied the reading materials for the use of these ordinary people. Roman Dutch Law was another important introduction made by the Dutch people during their rule in Sri Lanka. Even this form of law is a creation of the Christian governments in the West, with the special participation of the Christian priests. These facts have made this form of law in the context and the ideology of the Christian Church.
Here the important factor to note is that usually laws come out of a particular context for the necessities of that society. In this process the beliefs, practices, thought forms and the way of life of people in that society shape these laws. But in Sri Lanka it was somebody else’s law with Christian beliefs, practices, thought forms and the way of life that became the accepted law of Sri Lanka. Even up to now this form of law, with some alterations, is operative in Sri Lanka.
British colonisation and the Whole Island under British
v British policies on freedom.
At the end of the 18th century the British became the most powerful nation in the world. In the above set up, in 1796 the Dutch power in Sri Lanka came to an end with the beginning of British rule in Sri Lanka. With this the Dutch-controlled areas fell into the hands of the British Government in Sri Lanka [43]. In 1815, along with the Kandyan Convention, the whole island came under British rule, and for the first time in the history of Sri Lanka the whole island of Sri Lanka came under an outside foreign power. There were two great rebellions against the British Government in 1818 and 1848, by the aristocrats and peasants respectively in Sri Lanka. Britain being the world power of that time could control these rebellions without much trouble and had a fairly peaceful stay afterwards. The British took special steps to prevent this sort of action by Sri Lankan people. The first thing that they did was to establish a good system of both roads and railway, making transport easier and more convenient.
Just three years after establishing their power in Sri Lanka, in 1799 the first British Governor of Sri Lanka, Sir Fredrik North, gave religious freedom to Sri Lankans to believe in any religion of one’s choice. With this freedom the prohibition imposed by the Dutch on other religions other than the Dutch Reformed faith came to an end. In 1806 the British Governor Thomas Metlend legalised this religious freedom by an official act and announced it officially to all the citizens of Sri Lanka [44]. This attitude of the British towards religion was made clearer in the fifth sentence of the Kandyan Convention, which promised the protection of the Buddhist faith and other faiths of the people. Article 5 of the Convention reads as follows,
“ The religion of Boodhoo professed by the chiefs and Inhabitants of these Provinces is declared inviolable; and its rites, Ministers and Places of worship are to be maintained and protected.” [45]
When this freedom was given, the British thinking behind it was that the religions of the natives should be tolerated for a smooth and effective administration in Sri Lanka. At the same time during this period there were liberal movements in Great Britain who emphasised that the religion and politics should be separated. Their point of view was that religion is a private matter and therefore it should be left alone for people to practice without any influence from the state. In the above context, when British gave religious freedom, their view was that Buddhism and Hinduism are religions to be tolerated and they should be left alone for people to believe in as a private and personal matter in their respective areas [46].
With the uprising of Sinhala people, first in 1818 by the up-country aristocrats and then in 1848 by peasants, the British came to the full realisation that Buddhism is not just a religion to be tolerated [47]. Gradually they came to understand the same of Hinduism. These religions had become the way of life for the people of Sri Lanka; their behaviour, attitudes, values and priorities in society came out of these religions. Therefore the effort by the British to protect Buddhism and Hinduism as separate phenomena not very connected to their way of life did not become successful. The reason behind this was that in all the actions taken by the Sinhalese and Tamils, whether political, economic or cultural, Buddhism and Hinduism respectively were in the forefront.
At the same time some Christian missionaries protested against the assurance given by the British to protect the religions of Sri Lanka. Their view was that the British colonial government’s undertaking to protect these pagan religions was not appropriate to the Christian character of the British government. With the above circumstances the British government couldn’t fulfil the promise given by them in the Kandyan Convention. On the other hand, although the British colonial government was influenced by the British liberal concept, namely that religion and politics should be separated, it supported and made the environment helpful for Christian missionaries in Sri Lanka. [48]
v The various Christians denominations and their behaviour under British rule.
When the British began their rule by defeating the Dutch in 1796, they did not at once start spreading their brand of Christianity. Even in 1815, at the time of the signing of the Kandyan Accord, with which the whole island came under the control of the British, they were not so much involved with the so-called missionary activities of that era. It was after 1815 that the British fully got involved in these activities by getting missionaries from Great Britain. In the context of the rise of liberalism and religious freedom the British did not limit missionary activities to their own state religion, Anglicanism, but allowed all brands of Christianity that were available in Britain to flow into Sri Lanka. Under these circumstances the Anglican, Methodist, Baptist, Presbyterian, the American Missionaries, the Scots Kirk and the Salvation Army denominations were all introduced to Sri Lanka. These mission bodies functioned under the blessing of the British government. The Anglican denomination, the state denomination of the British, was able to enjoy more privileges than the others. Most of the Dutch Reformed Churches gradually came under the Anglican missions, and reduced their activities to a few churches. The Roman Catholic Church, which underwent heavy persecution under Dutch rule, was able to emerge during this time to become the most successful and largest Christian denomination of Sri Lanka. The religious freedom granted by the British paved the way for the Catholics to invite more religious orders to carry on the mission of the Roman Catholic Church [49].
This situation of so many Christian denominations working in Sri Lanka made missionary activity complicated and confusing to the people of Sri Lanka. At the beginning, when the work began, there was no agreement amongst the different missionary groups concerning the carrying out of their activities in Sri Lanka. At times they had disagreements and tensions occasionally resulting in physical assaults. When a number of Christian denominations worked in the same town or village without having a proper understanding between themselves, yet trying to proclaim the same “Christian Gospel”, it appeared something like a number of companies trying to promote the same product under different trade names. The outward and functional differences that these denominations tried to emphasise had either little meaning or no meaning at all for the people of Sri Lanka. These differences concerned things like the use of visual aids in worship and the importance of preaching and of the sacraments in the faith and life of the Christian Church. Most of these controversies were related to the Christian Reformation in Europe in the Middle Ages, with the result that when these missionaries of various Christian denominations introduced their particular brand of Christianity, the emphasis of their teachings was more on the controversies of the Reformation than the true and authentic teachings of Jesus Christ.
v The Revival of Buddhism towards the end of the British rule and its influence on Sri Lankan society.
Right from the beginning of British rule, Buddhists were able to enjoy more freedom than they had enjoyed under the rule of the Portuguese and then of the Dutch. With this freedom, and along with the activities of the Protestant missionary movements enthusiastic Buddhist leaders realised that it was important to reinterpret Buddhism in order for it to survive. Commenting on one of the patterns adopted by the Buddhists, G.D.Bond has observed,
“Protestant Buddhism the response of the early reformers who began the revival by both reacting against and imitating Christianity……….[50]”
……This chapter examines those origins and focuses on the early period of the Buddhist resurgence in Sri Lanka. The hallmark of this period was the establishment of a form of Buddhism that Obeyesekere has labeled “ Protestant Buddhism” because it both (1) derived many of its view points and organisational form from Protestantism and (2) represented a “protest against Christianity and its associated Western political dominance prior to independence. “ Protestant Buddhism, both because it mirrored Protestant Christianity and because it attempted to revive Buddhism and make it relevant to a new context, represented a reformist movement.” [51]
This revival of Buddhism towards the end of the British rule, both imitating and reacting against Christianity, can be identified in many popular practices that have remained as integral aspects of Buddhism up to date. Towards the second half of the 19th century Buddhists understood that within Christianity there are better-organised institutions than in Buddhism. With the revival of the evangelical movement in Europe, in Great Britain missionaries began societies or institutions to propagate the Christian Gospel. Among them was the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (S.P.G.) which began in 1840, and which subsequently took a leading role in Sri Lanka. This society used the printed media to propagate the Christian Gospel by attacking the other religions in society. When Buddhists began the society called “Sarvagna Shashanavurdi Dayaka Dharma Samagama” (in Sinhala); it was an imitation of the above Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (S.P.G.). In 1862 this society established a printing press in Galle called “Lankaupakaraya”, which lasted until the year 1880 [52]. This printing press printed tracts or pamphlets to propagate Buddhism by attacking the life and doctrine of the Christian missionaries of that time. In 1880, with the arrival of Henry Steel Olcott, the establishment of the Buddhist Theosophical Society (B. T. S.) as another institution was a result of the influence of the Christian missionary societies. For example. in the Buddhist Theosophical Society, Olcott prepared a Buddhist catechism using the structure of the Protestant Christian catechism. This was first published in 1881 in Sinhala and mainly used in the schools started by the Buddhist Theosophical Society (B. T. S.) [53]. A few lines of this catechism are given below,
“Q. And what is that which is most valuable?
A. To know the whole secret of man’s existence and destiny…..so that we may live in a way to ensure the greatest happiness and the least suffering for our fellow men and ourselves. “ [54]
The other important institutions that began with this trend are the Young Men’s Buddhist Association (Y. M. B. A.) in 1898 and the Mahabodhi Society began by Anagarika Dharmapala in 1891 [55]. In the Y. M. B. A., as in the Christian equivalent such as the Y. M. C. A., scripture was given a prominent place; in this organisation the reading of scripture and preaching on scripture was taken seriously. Accordingly in the Y.M.B.A. the preaching of Bana or the preaching of services on Poya [56] days became a common feature. Similarly, the anglicised elite who got involved in these organisations started to read the Buddhist scriptures, namely the Tripitakas (especially a section of tripitaks called Dhammapada), more frequently than ever before [57].
The establishment of Buddhist schools and the Buddhist Sunday schools or Dhaham schools are further developments in Buddhists institutions which began in the context of the Christian missionary schools and Sundays schools in Sri Lanka.[58] In this regard the Theosophical society started by Henry Steel Olcott was able to establish 63 schools between 1886 and 1896. All of these schools were an imitation of missionary schools such as St. Thomas and St Joseph that were begun by the Christian missionaries. Buddhists, when they founded Buddhist schools, named their schools after important persons and places in Buddhism instead of those of Christianity. Therefore Buddhist schools were given names such as Rahula, Mahamaya and Vishaka. Since these schools were established according to the model of Christian missionary schools, although they gave an outside Buddhist atmosphere, the upbringing and attitudes propagated by these schools were of Christian origin.[59]
Marriage and death are two important life-events in society. In Sri Lanka, irrespective of religious belief, these happenings are coloured with the customs and practices of the society. Within traditional Buddhism in Sri Lanka the associated rituals are not performed inside the Buddhist temple. On the contrary, these rituals are important in the Christian Church, where they are carried out within the Church.
In the Christian Church marriage is considered as a sacrament and is called Holy Matrimony. The priests inside the church perform this ceremony, and it is a colourful and attractive ceremony. [60] But in Buddhism, the marriage ceremony is not performed inside the Buddhist temple. According to John Davy polygamy was contrary to the religion of the Sinhalese, but in practice the situation was different. Regarding this John Davy has observed,
“Though concubinage and polygamy are contrary to their religion, both are indulged in by the Sinhalese, particularly the latter: and, it is remarkable, that in the Kandyan country, as in Tibet, a plurality of husband is much more common than Wives. One woman has frequently two husbands; and I have heard of one having as many as seven. This singular species of polygamy is not confined to any caste or rank; it is more or less general amongst the high and low, the rich and poor. The joint husbands are always brothers.” [61]
On the same issue Robert Knox who was a prisoner in Sri Lanka (Ceylon or Zeilon) in the 17th century has also observed,
“But their Marriages are but of little force or validity. For if they disagree and mislike one the other; they part without disgrace.…………… But Women and Men commonly wed four or five times before they can settle themselves to their contentation…………….. In this Countrey (Referring to Ceylon or Zeilon) each Man, even the greatest, hath but one Wife; but a Woman often has two Husbands. For it is lawful and common with them for two Brothers to keep house together with one Wife, and the Children do acknowledge and call both Fathers.” [62]
Both these accounts show that, although the ideal understanding of marriage in the Sri Lankan Buddhist set-up was monogamy, in practice it was fluid. But in the Christian church it is stressed as a doctrine that one man can marry only one wife and vice versa, and that marriage is a lifelong partnership. A person is free to marry again only after the death of their marriage partner. The breaking of this doctrine, inside the Christian community, is a punishable offence. For instance, those who break with this doctrine are not given important positions within the Christian church.
During the colonial era, until 1868 only certain Christian denominations were given the authority to register marriage. Only in 1868 was a department established to register births, marriages and deaths as secular events without a religious affiliation. Until 1868 all Sri Lankans had to go to a church if they wished to register their marriage.
In this context Sri Lankans irrespective of their religion were influenced by the Christian understanding of monogamy, namely that married men and women should live together with their spouses until death separates them, and this gradually became an accepted norm in Sri Lanka.
Even the understanding of divorce gradually shifted in emphasis according to the Christian view of marriage. Regarding divorce E. R. Leach has observed,
“Divorce may be effected as easily as common-law marriage. The couple simply separate and the marriage is at an end.
One consequence of this simplicity is that is rare to come across any adult, either male or female, who does not admit to having been ‘married’ more than once. Individuals who have been ‘married’ five or six times are not thought in any way exceptional.” [63]
In the Christian church, getting married more than once, while the former partner is still alive, and getting a divorce, is an exceptional situation. Those people are looked down upon and not accepted as men or women of sound moral character. In the course of time this Christian value gradually changed the effect of divorce in the Sri Lankan society. Even today in Sri Lanka, those who are divorced are considered exceptional not only in the Christian community but in the other communities (very especially in the Sinhala Buddhist community) as well.[64]
At the same time the marriage ceremonies in churches were more colourful, orderly and attractive than the ordinary Buddhist marriage ceremony that was held in the house of the bride. Even in 1862 for the registration of a marriage the Buddhist and people of other faiths had to go to a Christian Church. Against this background the pro-Buddhist paper, “Lakmini”, requested the Government to appoint Buddhist registrars for the registration of the marriage of Buddhist people. The same paper promoted the poruva ceremony, which was a Hindu practice, to replace the sacrament of Christian marriage and to attract Buddhist people. Here it is very clear that the Buddhists behind this paper tried to react against the Christian marriage ceremony and made an effort to attract Buddhists to another way of marriage ceremony in accordance with the marriage ceremony of Christians [65].
Among the Buddhists in the coastal areas there is found the practice of chanting Vesantara Jatakaya [66] in the funeral houses. These coastal-area Buddhists witness the pasan or the chanting of the Passion story of Jesus by the Roman Catholics in those areas [67]. Buddhists, seeing the example of these Roman Catholics, began the practice of chanting Vesantara Jatakaya in the funeral houses, which practice later became popular all over the island.
In the Buddhist revival the other area of challenge for Buddhists were the attractive music, drama and colourful ceremonies of the Christian church. In Christian worship and in other ceremonies music was used, along with instruments. In the Christian church dramas were used to propagate the Christian Gospel, especially in the Roman Catholic Church.
During the season of Christmas Christians used to go carol-singing in bullock carts. This was a joyful occasion for Christians where they expressed their faith within society. Gradually Buddhist revivalists, imitating this practice of the Christians, began to sing Buddhist carols or Bhakthi gee during the season of Vesak to commemorate the birth, enlightenment and death of the Lord Buddha. It is believed that the first group of Buddhist carol singers were trained by an Anglican Priest called Laid Beater in 1886 according to a proposal of Henry Steel Olcott. Though in traditional Buddhism musical instruments such as the violin, tabla and serpina were not used, with the influence of Christianity not only music but even dramas were linked with the propagation of Buddhism and other Buddhist activities [68].
In the 19th century Christianity was associating with the promoters of capitalism. This made the Christians rich and wealthy, and so they were able to built attractive buildings in prominent parts of the cities. Where there were Roman Catholics in the cities they put up statues of Jesus and of the saints. This practice influenced the Buddhists to keep statues of Buddha in prominent places in the cities. When a few Buddhist became rich in the capitalistic set-up they also helped to build attractive buildings for Buddhist activities.
The keeping of the pictures of Monk Seevali and the veneration of Buddhist statues within houses are also most probably practices that came into being among Buddhist revivalists under the influence of the Roman Catholic Christians in Sri Lanka [69], because in traditional Buddhism statues of Buddha were kept in high and isolated places out of respect, and people went there to worship them.
One of the most important persons who came under this sort of influence was Anagarika Dharmapala. Commenting on Anagarika Dharmapala and his influence on Sri Lankan society G. Obeyesekere has observed,
“He (Dharmapala) became a Protestant-Buddhist, a reformer of the Buddhist Church, infusing that institution with the puritan values of Protestantism. All these had tremendous influence on a group of people who were in a sense like Dharmapala himself, alienated from the traditional culture of the village, and from the politico-economic system controlled by the British and the English educated elite of Colombo. Though his initial impact was on members of the alienated Sinhalese intelligentsia living in the village, he later had an impact on all Sinhala Buddhists.” [70]
According to G. Obeyesekere these influences of Christianity (especially of Protestant Christianity) were powerful enough to create another form of Buddhism which became important for the survival of Buddhism in Sri Lanka.
v The Participation of the Christian Westernised elite in the independence struggle of Sri Lanka.
In the era immediately before independence there was a group of Westernised elite who fought for the rights and the freedom of local people in this land. Though the Christian church officially did not take part in these activities there were some Christian individuals from the group of Westernised elite who were actively involved in this regard. They were people like Sir James Peiris and E.W.Perera who were practising Christians of that era. These individuals were different from the other Christians who changed their faith in which they have been brought up, immediately before political independence in 1948. They got involved in national issues as practising Christians in Sri Lanka. These Christians individuals were actively involved with groups belonging to different political ideologies and took part in the various burning issues of that era [71].
When there were Muslim and Buddhist riots in 1915, a number of Buddhist leaders were killed under marshall law. Then Sir James Peiris, a devout Christian, came forward to present the injustice done to Buddhist. Another practising Christian called E.W.Perera hid in his shoe the petition that was prepared to present the facts against the British Governor, and went to Great Britain, risking his own life [72].
The participation of the Christian Westernised elite in the national issues along with the other Westernised elite shows that they also wanted freedom from the British in order to have authority in the matters of this country. Their Christian faith received from the British did not become a hindrance to taking part in these matters. This group of people had an added advantage in these issues, in that as they were close to the British they knew their policies and principles better than the others did, and so they used these same policies and principles against the British rulers of this country to achieve freedom for Sri Lanka. On the other hand it could be viewed that their capitalistic elitist existence was strong enough to work together for the political independence in Sri Lanka irrespective of the religious groups that they belonged to. In this manner these Christians, along with the others who belonged to this elite group, became the main actors in gaining political independence for Sri Lanka [73].
The social impact of Christianity in Moratuwa
v Social impact on the process of Education through Christianity
The modern system of education became rooted in Sri Lanka mainly through the activities of the Western missionaries who worked in the country. Their schools are a visible reality in each and every village in the Moratuwa area. Beginning with the Dutch in the 17th century, all parents in the coastal belt were encouraged to send their children to school. When the British took over the country in the latter part of the 18th century they developed the school network started by the Dutch. In this regard, Prince of Wales College, which was started in 1876 AD with the guidance of the Anglican missionaries, can be given as an example. Because of these schools the literacy rate and the education level of the common people in Moratuwa is very high. In the two villages that were the subject of this research, there was not found any children who had never been to school.
As the Christian missionaries started almost all of these schools their value system is still preserved in these schools, mainly within the structure of the school system. There are monitors in every class, and prefects are the general leaders among the students in schools. Games such as cricket are very popular in these missionary-founded schools.
The British colonial government introduced these schools with the help of Christian missionaries for a number of reasons. From the point of view of the colonial government they had to produce a number of categories of people to maintain the colony, while Christian missionaries considered these schools as the nucleus of the future church. In this process the British colonial government was not worried about the dropout rate in this system. Still this is a visible reality in the school system in Moratuwa.
v Christian influence on language and personal names, and the social outcome.
The language and names used in Moratuwa are greatly influenced by the Christian faith. Among Roman Catholics, the older generation, those who are above 70 years of age, generally have Biblical names of Portuguese or British origin, names such as David Samuel and Anthony Peter. Younger Roman Catholics often have a Sinhala as well as a Biblical name. Among Protestants, as with the Roman Catholics, elders have Biblical names of Portuguese or British origin. Yet in many instances these names are not used in the original form, especially in the rural areas, as people are unable to pronounce them. So, for example, Grace has become Geres, and John has become Juwan.
But nowadays younger people often don’t have Biblical names, but instead have names of Sinhala origin, especially as today people are concerned about the meaning of the names given to their children. Many traditional Christians have surnames such as Perera, Fernando and Silva, which are of Portuguese origin. They also have what is called a Ge name, which is used in front of the personal name of the person. These are traditional Sinhala family names used by these people before they became Christians. Many people who get involved in the field of carpentry have Ge names that end up with the term ‘Waduge,’ a Sinhala word meaning carpenter or craftsman.
The Sinhala language in Moratuwa is greatly influenced by the hymns sung in the churches in Moratuwa. During the Dutch and British eras many hymns were translated into Sinhala. In these translations an effort was made to keep the original literal meanings and the tune of the hymns. There was no serious effort to preserve the original Sinhala language structure of these hymns. These hymns have been sung over and over again in the churches in services and in other worship contexts. Therefore even today the kind of Sinhala language found in these hymns is commonly used in Moratuwa in day-to-day matters.
In Moratuwa there are many idioms that have come out of the Christian faith. These have become part and parcel of the Sinhala language used in the area. There are idioms such as “Mahasekurada vagai”, meaning “Just like Good Friday” [74]. This idiom is used when a person has a sad and frustrated face. Similarly when a person is happy it is said that “ Nattal vagai” which means “Just like Christmas”. In this manner local expressions are fully influenced by the Christian faith irrespective of the religious affiliation of the people.
v Domestic customs and Christianity.
Christianity is a religion that is fully integrated with the domestic life of the ordinary people. The three most important events of life, namely birth, marriage and death, are especially tied up with the Christian faith. In Kadalana I was told that even non-church-going Christians come to church on three occasions: in somebody else’s hands for baptism as a small child, on one's own feet for marriage, and on somebody else’s shoulders for burial after death. When a child is born into a family the first and foremost thing for Christians is to get the child baptised in church into the faith community. The priest, who pours water onto the child’s head, does this. This custom is not merely a religious duty fulfilled by the faithful but is also seen as a means of protection for the child from harm and danger in society. Therefore sociologically baptism for Christians is not only how they enter the Christian community but also something that prepares the child to enter into society with the due religious protection accepted by the religious community of that child. At baptism a child becomes a child of the faith community. As a sign of this, the child gets so-called godparents, who, in addition to his or her own parents, function as protectors, guardians and persons who are responsible for bringing up the child in the faith. Accordingly, among Christians in Moratuwa baptism serves the purpose of introducing the child into society as a rightful member of the community.
Marriage is one of the most important establishments in almost all societies in the world. In Christianity marriage is considered as a sacrament, a sacrament being the performance of some outward symbols with the faith that God grants grace along with them. Therefore it is coloured with many meaningful religious functions in Church and in the homes of Christians. Some Moratuwa Christians exchange a letter before marriage as the first step towards marriage. After this, Roman Catholic and Anglican churches will publish bans during the normal service on three consecutive Sundays before the marriage service is to take place. These three Sundays are very important for the couple getting ready for marriage; they are remembered in prayers on these Sundays in many Churches. Today in many churches couples are advised to have pre-marriage counselling as a preparation for marriage.
Death is an unexplainable event in the life of human beings. Religion deals with the inexplicable in the basis of faith by consoling the devotees, thereby giving them strength to face the realities of life. In Moratuwa, irrespective of the Christian denomination to which they belong, Christians seek comfort and consolation in their faith, and so, in the event of a death and the practices connected with death, the Christian priest plays a vital and integral role in society by providing psychological support to the members of the bereaved family. If a person is dying the priest is called to pray and hand over the spirit of that person to God for the final resting-place. After a death the funeral bell is rung in the church to convey the message to the village. Christians consider this ringing of the funeral bell as an honour to the dead person. In the Anglican tradition of Moratuwa the funeral bell is rung in different styles to indicate whether the deceased is a male or a female, a child or an adult. Where the funeral rites are concerned, before the burial, hymns are sung and prayers are offered around the coffin while in the house of the deceased. Usually before the burial a service is conducted in church in memory of the dead person, with the mortal remains of that person present. After the service the body is taken to the church cemetery for burial. Sometimes the body is cremated according to the last wishes of the deceased. After the burial, memorial services are held in both the home and the church. The giving of alms in memory of dead people is also a common practice among the Christians in Moratuwa. As a Christian community Christians remember their dead on the 2nd of November, a day called All Souls Day. On this day services are conducted in the cemeteries where Christians pray for the dead and light candles on their graves.
v Important Customs, rituals and practices of Christians in society
In Moratuwa Christians greet each other by saying ‘Jesu pihitai’ (Jesus bless you) or ‘Devi pihitai’ (God bless you). Many Roman Catholics and some Anglicans who belonged to the High Church tradition keep statues inside the home and light candles, have lamps or fix an illuminated electric bulb as an object of worship. Other Protestants often keep a picture of Jesus or a cross in their homes. The origin of this difference sprang up at the Western reformation where many Protestants rejected statues as idol worship.
Though it is fast vanishing, a custom still in many houses is the saying of family prayers in the evening. In all Anglican churches the church bell is rung daily at 8 p.m. for family prayers. Some people have a habit of keeping silence at 8 p.m. even if they are not with the family, so as to join in the family prayers in spirit even when they are unable to do so with their physical presence.
In many Roman Catholic and Anglican churches the church bell is rung at 6.00 a.m., 12.00 noon and 6.00 p.m. for prayers. This is called Angeles where the faithful remember the incarnation of God into this world. Where the church bell is rung in this manner the daily life of the people is very much connected to this ringing, irrespective of whether the people pray or not when the bell is rung. This ringing of the church bell affects the life of the area even across religious barriers. Some people get up at 6.00 a.m. to the ringing of the bell while others go to work after ringing of the bell at 6.00 a.m. At 12.00 noon many carpentry shops stop work for lunch. After ringing of the 6.00 p.m. bell the impression is given that the day is gone and the night has begun. This ringing of the church bell creates a serene atmosphere in the respective areas by dividing the day into three sections from 6.00 a.m. to 12.00 noon, 12.00 noon to 6.00 p.m., and the night time, from 6.00 p.m. to 6.00 a.m.
As far as possible Christians try go to Church every Sunday. In this regard Roman Catholics take this more seriously than Protestants in Moratuwa. Today there are many Christians who miss the Sunday service for various reasons such as overtime in the place of work or some other social function. Yet it is an accepted social fact among Christians that it is a good and a helpful practice to go to church every Sunday for the well-being of the community and its individuals. The central act of worship of Christians is called Mass by Roman Catholics, and Holy Communion, Eucharist or the Last Supper by Protestants. In this central act of worship Christians commemorate the last meal that Jesus had with his disciples before he was crucified. During this service Christians share bread and grape juice or some other drink such as a kind of aerated water, these symbolising Jesus’ body and blood respectively, and so imitating what Jesus did on the last day of his earthly life. By performing this act of worship Christians believe that they receive the body and blood of Jesus for their spiritual nourishment and become one body in Jesus Christ. This ritualistic act of worship binds the Christian communities together in their respective areas.
The Bible, the most important book for Christians, plays a vital role in the life of Christians. Christians take guidance from the Bible for their day-to-day activities, and are advised to read the Bible daily. What is written in the Bible has a great impact on the social life of the Christians in Moratuwa . For instance, the Ten Commandments in the Bible have a great social impact on these Christians. From the Ten Commandments they take guidance on issues such as the respecting of parents, adultery, killing, and so on [75].
In Moratuwa, just as in other Roman Catholic areas, statues of Jesus and of the saints are kept in churches and public places as objects of blessing and worship. Protestants use the cross as their object of worship. Roman Catholics and some Anglicans make the sign of the Cross in front of their body as a protection from harm and danger and to symbolise the acceptance of God’s blessing.
v Employment and Christianity.
In Moratuwa people get involved in various professions for their survival. Carpentry and fishing are the main sources of income for the majority of poor people in the area. The majority of urban Christians of the middle class are engaged in government or private employment for their livelihood, or run business such as furniture shops. Both the carpentry and fishing trades are closely linked with Christianity in many ways. First of all the majority of the people who are involved with these professions are professing Christians in their own way. The majority of the fisher folk belonged to the Roman Catholic faith while the majority of Protestants, such as Anglican and Methodists, get involved in the carpentry trade. Though there are hardly any Protestants who are involved in fishing trade there are some Roman Catholics who are involved in carpentry especially in the rural areas of Moratuwa. The fisher folk of the Roman Catholic faith mainly live along the coast, for obvious reasons concerning their trade. The lives of these people are closely linked with the Church in the local area. They get inspiration for their trade from to the fact that many of the disciples of Jesus were fishermen before they accepted the call to follow him. Jesus was closely associated with the sea. He narrated many stories against a coastal background, and often he preached on the seashore. He challenged his disciples by using metaphors from their former trade, such as “cast your nets into the deep”. Sometimes he even got into a boat and preached. The above background gives these fisher folk security and identity in their Christian faith, making them strong in their trade. It is an accepted sociological fact that many tribal and primitive societies have their own deities from whom they plead blessings and protection. In the same way these people seek blessings and protection from the patron saint of the local church. The illuminated cross on the pinnacle of the local church often becomes their symbol of protection, and it can be viewed from the deep sea as they get go about their trade in the sea.
Many Protestants and some Roman Catholics who do carpentry as their profession also draw inspiration from their faith. The facts that the foster father of Jesus, Joseph, and Jesus Himself were carpenters make them proud in their profession. In a chapel at Kadalana, the rural village of this research area, there is a wall painting of the carpentry shop of the father of Jesus. The depiction of the carpentry shop is that of one of the typical carpentry shops in the village. This wall painting gives the image of Jesus and His father in their carpentry shop, similar to the Christian carpenters of Moratuwa.
Among Christians there are hymns that explain how Jesus worked in the carpentry shop, especially how he worked in the carpentry shop with honesty and enthusiasm. Through these hymns an impression is given of how they should get involved in carpentry according to their faith.
Where church architecture and decorations are concerned, in Moratuwa many churches have been furnished with various types of attractive woodcarvings and decorations. The Christian carpenters of Moratuwa have done these carvings and decorations as an offering to their God. Even after generations the people belonging to the families of those who did these carvings and decorations are proud to proclaim that the craftsmanship of those carvings and decorations belongs to them.
v Christianity and social festivals of Moratuwa.
In Moratuwa social festivals are greatly influenced by Christianity. These festivals bring the community together and assure social solidarity in the area. These festivals not only bring Christians together but also bring together the people of the area irrespective of their religious beliefs. January 1st is the beginning of the social year in Moratuwa. It is the beginning of the Christian year and is also the Feast of the Circumcision of the Lord Jesus Christ. Yet people of the area, irrespective of their religion, get ready for New Year on January 1st by doing things such as cleaning their houses and buying new clothes. Often enemies get friendly on the 1st of January by forgiving each other. Most Christians take part in the watch night service on the 31st of December at about 11.00 or 11.30 p.m, and so are able to enter into the New Year in church with the blessing of God. The 1st of January is always a day of festivity for the people of Moratuwa. On this day whoever comes to the house is welcomed with hospitality and entertained with food. In recent times December 31st dinner dances have become a common feature in many hotels and middle class houses in Moratuwa.
Good Friday and Easter are two other festivals that are important in Moratuwa. On Good Friday, the day when Christians commemorate the death of Jesus on the cross, passion songs are sung in Churches with 3-hour devotions. On this day the whole area is covered with an atmosphere of sadness. The Sunday following Good Friday, when Christians celebrate Easter and commemorate the resurrection of Jesus Christ, the whole area is covered with a festive atmosphere. Christmas is the other most important festival of the area, and it brings people together at the end of the year on the 25th of December. On this day Christians celebrate the nativity of the Lord Jesus Christ. Festivity connected with Christmas begins at the start of December with nativity plays and the singing of Christmas carols. Christmas trees and cribs are a common sight in the area, creating the Christmas atmosphere. During the Christmas season various groups go from house to house in the evenings singing Christmas carols. At midnight on December 24th a service is held in churches to herald Christmas, and at midnight the sound of crackers keeps the whole city awake, reminding them the birth of Christ.
Especially in the Roman Catholic areas the feast of the local church is a social festival for the whole area. These festivals begin with the raising of the so-called flag tree in front of the church. There are processions held in connection with the feast and the area is decorated for these. Except on the day of Good Friday, food and beverages, including liquor, are available in many houses and other places, as a common feature of the Moratuwa area.
v Music, Singing, Drama and Christians
In Moratuwa, especially among Christians, music, singing and drama have become an integral part of day to day life. The main reason for this is the influence of the Christian Church. The worship of the Christian church cannot be separated from music, singing and drama. Irrespective of denomination, in all Christian churches singing is one of the most important aspects of the act of worship. Traditionally, the organ accompanies singing in churches, but today oriental and other Western instruments, such as the serpina, tabla, guitar and drums, are increasingly being used in churches for worship.
In Christian families children are born into an atmosphere of singing hymns and other religious songs. Therefore from their birth they begin to integrate these songs and hymns into their lives. This makes singing very natural for the Christians of Moratuwa.
Since the playing of musical instruments is encouraged in Churches, this gives the Christians in Moratuwa an opportunity to improve their talent in playing musical instruments. Not only in worship, but even in other gatherings, Christians make it a point to have a singsong, often accompanied by a musical instrument such as the guitar.
Drama is something else very natural to the people of Moratuwa. The central act of worship in church (which is called the Mass, Eucharist or the Lord’s Supper) is conducted in the form of a drama. Architecture inside the church resembles a theatre for drama. The central act of worship is called the re-enactment of the Last Supper of Jesus. The meaning is that Christians are expected to relive the Last Supper of Jesus and actively participate in that event. At the same time right from the beginning of the introduction of Christianity by the Portuguese, drama was used as a means of the proclamation of the Christian Gospel. Easter dramas are a prominent example of this up to date. All these factors have made drama a common feature in the activities of Moratuwa. In the above background there are many prominent singers, actors and players of musical instruments who have come out of the Christian background in Moratuwa.
[1] Mundadan A.M., -1989- History of Christianity in India, vol.1, P 69, Church history association of India Bangalore.
[2] Mundadan A.M., -1989- History of Christianity in India, vol.1, PP 21-34, Church history association of India Bangalore.
[3] Hass H. – 1986- Sri Lanka-Island with the future, P 3, The Ecumenical Institute Colombo, Sri Lanka.
[4] Perera S.G. - 1962 - Historical Sketches (Ceylon Church History) P.9, The literature Committee, Colombo Catholic Diocesan Union, Colombo. - [Quotation from Migne Patrol Grae, Vol.88: J.W. McCrindle, The Christian Topography.]
[5] Perera S.G. - 1962 - Historical Sketches (Ceylon Church History) P.9, The literature Committee, Colombo Catholic Diocesan Union, Colombo. - [Quotation from Migne Patrol Grae, Vol.88: J.W. McCrindle, The Christian Topography.]
[6] Perera S.G. - 1962 - Historical Sketches (Ceylon Church History) P.9, The literature Committee, Colombo Catholic Diocesan Union, Colombo. - [Quotation from Migne Patrol Grae, Vol.88: J.W. McCrindle, The Christian Topography.]
[7] Perera S.G. - 1962 - Historical Sketches (Ceylon Church History) P.10, The literature Committee, Colombo Catholic Diocesan Union, Colombo. - [Quotation from Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, 1912-13, P.5 ]
[8] This archeological object is presently kept at the Vaunia museum and was identified by the Sri Lankan church historian Ven.Dr. D. Kanagaratnum in 1992
[9] Geiger Wilhelm (Translator) -1953- Culavamsa, Volume I, P.43, The Ceylon Government information department, Colombo.
[10] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) P. 2, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda. [Quotation is from – Paranavitarana S. - 1972 - Story of Sigiri PP45-46 Colombo.]
[11] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) PP. 4-6, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[12] Mendis G.C. -1956- Ceylon today and yesterday P.51, Associated newspapers of Ceylon LTD, Lake House Colombo.
[13] Houtart F. -1974- Religion and ideology in Sri Lanka, p.128, Hansa Publishers Colombo-3.
[14] Perera S.G. ,revised by Perniola V. – 1955- A history of Ceylon PP. 12-30 The associated Newspaper of ceylon LTD. Colombo.
[15] Mendis G.C. -1956- Ceylon today and yesterday PP.48-55, Associated newspapers of Ceylon LTD, Lake House Colombo.
[16] Houtart F. -1974- Religion and ideology in Sri Lanka, PP.108-125, Hansa Publishers Colombo-3.
[17] de Silva P.H.D.H. –1975- A catalogue of antiquities and other cultural objects from Sri Lanka (Ceylon) abroad P. 72, A Publication of the national museums of Sri Lanka.
[18] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) PP. 19 & 24, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[19] Kolamunne T. – 1985- Catholic Church in Sri Lanka ( In Sinhala), P. 58, Saranga Press, Ragama, Sri Lanka.
[20] Perera S.G. - 1962 - Historical Sketches (Ceylon Church History) P.143, The literature Committee, Colombo Catholic Diocesan Union, Colombo.
[21] Kolamunne T. – 1985- Catholic Church in Sri Lanka ( In Sinhala), PP.56-58, Saranga Press, Ragama, Sri Lanka.
[22] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) PP. 7-39, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[23] Houtart F. -1974- Religion and ideology in Sri Lanka, PP.158-160, Hansa Publishers Colombo-3.
[24] Raghavan M. D. – 1961- The Karava of Ceylon, Society and Culture , P. 32, K.V.G. de Silva & Sons, 415, Galle Road, Bambalabitiya, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
[25] Raghavan M. D. – 1961- The Karava of Ceylon, Society and Culture , PP.1-56, K.V.G. de Silva & Sons, 415, Galle Road, Bambalabitiya, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
[26] Raghavan M. D. – 1961- The Karava of Ceylon, Society and Culture , P. 32, K.V.G. de Silva & Sons, 415, Galle Road, Bambalabitiya, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
[27] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) PP. 19 & 24, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[28] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) PP. 19 & 24, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[29] Houtart F. -1974- Religion and ideology in Sri Lanka, p.110, Hansa Publishers Colombo-3.
[30] Mendis G.C. -1956- Ceylon today and yesterday P.56, Associated newspapers of Ceylon LTD, Lake House Colombo.
[31] De S.Kulatillake C. & R. Abeysinghe –1976- A BACKGROUND TO SINHALA TRADITIONAL MUSIC OF SRI LANKA.P.7, Department of Cultural affairs, Sri Lanka.
[32] Gunawardana A.J. –1976- THEATRE IN SRI LANKA, PP.17-19, Department of Cultural affairs, Sri Lanka
[33] Mendis G.C. -1956- Ceylon today and yesterday P.53, Associated newspapers of Ceylon LTD, Lake House Colombo.
[34] General bibliography - PORTUGUESE ERA Perera S.G. - 1962 - Historical Sketches (Ceylon Church History) PP.13-184, The literature Committee, Colombo Catholic Diocesan Union, Colombo.
[35] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) PP. 40 & 41, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[36] Somaratne G.P.V. –1982- Christian religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), PP.81-86 Deepani publisher, 464,High level road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda.
[37] Kolamunne T. – 1985- Catholic Church in Sri Lanka ( In Sinhala), PP.76-88, Saranga Press, Ragama, Sri Lanka.
[38] Somaratne G.P.V. –1982- Christian religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), PP.76-81 ,Deepani publisher, 464,High level road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda.
[39] Somaratne G.P.V. –1982- Christian religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), P.102,Deepani publisher, 464,High level road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda.
[40] Somaratne G.P.V. –1982- Christian religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), P.100,Deepani publisher, 464,High level road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda.
[41] Godakumbure C.E. –1976- LITERATURE OF SRI LANKA, PP 80-81, Department of Cultural affairs Sri Lanka.
[42] Somaratne G.P.V. –1982- Christian religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), PP.102-105 ,Deepani publisher, 464,High level road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda.
[43] Somaratne G.P.V. –1982- Christian religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), P.106,Deepani publisher, 464,High level road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda.
[44] Somaratne G.P.V. –1982- Christian religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), PP.86-87,Deepani publisher, 464,High level road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda.
[45] Ludowyk E.F.C. -1966- The modern history of Ceylon P.43, Weidenfeld and Nicolson 5 Winsley street London w I.
[46] Houtart F. -1974- Religion and ideology in Sri Lanka,PP.207-220, Hansa Publishers Colombo-3.
[47] Ludowyk E.F.C. -1966- The modern history of Ceylon PP.45-75, Weidenfeld and Nicolson 5 Winsley street London w I.
[48] Houtart F. -1974- Religion and ideology in Sri Lanka, 207-220, Hansa Publishers Colombo-3.
[49] Somaratne G.P.V. –1982- Christian religion in Sri Lanka (In Sinhala), P.106-120 ,Deepani publisher, 464,High level road, Gangodavila, Nugegoda.
[50] Bond G. D. -1988- The Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka, P.5, Motilal Banarsidass publishers private limited, Delhi.
[51] Bond G. D. -1988- The Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka, P.45, Motilal Banarsidass publishers private limited, Delhi.
[52] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) PP. 116 & 117, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[53] Bond G. D. -1988- The Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka, P.50, Motilal Banarsidass publishers private limited, Delhi.
[54] Bond G. D. -1988- The Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka, P.51, Motilal Banarsidass publishers private limited, Delhi.
[55] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) PP. 119 & 122, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[56] Poya is calculated according to the vexing of the moon.
[57] Bond G. D. -1988- The Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka, PP.63-67, Motilal Banarsidass publishers private limited, Delhi.
[58] Obesekara G., -1970- Religious Symbolism and Political Change in Ceylon Vol.I, No. I, PP 43-46.
[59] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) P. 120 , Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[60] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) P. 120, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda.
[61] Davy J. – 1821 reprinted in 1983- An account of the interior of Ceylon and of its Inhabitants with Travels in that Island. PP. 214-215, Tisara Prakasakayo Ltd. Publishers, Dutugemunu St. Dehiwala, Sri Lanka.
[62] Knox R. – 1680/1681 reprinted in 1981- An Historical Relation of Ceylon P. 135, M.D. Gunasena & Co.Ltd. Colombo, Sri Lanka.
[63] Leach E. R. – 1961- Pul eliya , a village in Ceylon. A study of land tenure and kinship P. 90, Cambridge University press. Great Britain.
[64] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) P. 120, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda.
[65] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) P. 122, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[66] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) P. 122, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda
[67] De S.Kulatillake C. & R. Abeysinghe –1976- A BACKGROUND TO SINHALA TRADITIONAL MUSIC OF SRI LANKA.P.25, Department of Cultural affairs, Sri Lanka
[68] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) P. 121, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka.
[69] Somaratne G. P. V. -1992- Sri Lankan Church History (In Sinhala) P. 121, Marga Sahodaratvaya, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka.
[70] Roberts M. ( Edited) – 1979- Collective identities, nationalism and protest in modern Sri Lanka. P.302, (Chapter VII by Gananath Obeyesekere), Marga Institute, 61, Isipatana Mawatha, Colombo 5, Sri Lanka.
[71] No author given -1967 – Social change in Ceylon, P.65 Christian Workers Fellowship C.W.F. office, YMCA building, Colombo 1.
[72] No author given -1967 – Social change in Ceylon, P.65 Christian Workers Fellowship C.W.F. office, YMCA building, Colombo 1.
[73] Houtart F. -1974- Religion and ideology in Sri Lanka, PP.370-384, Hansa Publishers Colombo-3.
[74] Good Friday is the name given to the day on which Jesus was crucified.
[75] Holy Bible – Book of Exodus chapter 20